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For those wanting the full picture on the BBC doc “Surviving Biafra”:
I encourage everyone to watch this film. Not because it is perfect or encyclopedic, but because it raises awareness—in a sensitive, human way—of a massive injustice buried for decades.
My prior review noted it leaves much unsaid. In those gaps, you see the director’s inherited bias toward the federal side (grandson of a senior federal officer featured prominently). I don’t see it as propaganda or deliberate falsehoods, but a flawed push for “balance” where the truth is far more one-sided.
An honest viewer will finish with eyes opened, genuine horror, and questions. Here’s a guide to exploring those questions:
1. The Asaba Massacre (Oct 1967): Federal troops slaughtered hundreds of unarmed Igbo civilians (men/boys in white, pledging loyalty to “One Nigeria”). Early war atrocity that fueled secession fears. Why omitted?
2. The Aburi Accord betrayal (Jan 1967): Last chance for peaceful confederation/autonomy after northern pogroms. Gowon reneged. Biafra didn’t rush to exit—they tried negotiation first.
3. The Blockade & British Oil Calculus: Deliberate starvation policy (as many as millions of children via kwashiorkor). Britain backed Nigeria for Shell-BP oil interests. Not neutral—complicit in the famine.
4. The Same Drivers Today: This wasn’t isolated. Same jihad patterns, impunity, resource grabs, and genocidal intent continue in the Middle Belt—targeted Christian killings, church burnings, land seizures (Intersociety: ~185k dead, ~20k churches destroyed since 2009). Biafra’s Hidden Holocaust echoes now.
5. Religious Underpinnings: The violence wasn’t just political or ethnic. It fits classical Islamic jihad doctrine—conquest, subjugation of Christians (jizya while humbled, Dar al-Islam vs. Dar al-Harb), and Sokoto Caliphate continuity. Pogroms, blockade, and ongoing Middle Belt attacks reflect the same unreformed ideology.
6. Were the Biafrans “Rebels”? No. They were a persecuted people exercising self-defense and self-determination after northern massacres, failed accords, and existential threat. Labeling them “rebels” delegitimizes their response while whitewashing federal aggression.
7. Who Fired First? Federal Nigerian troops. The first shots of the war were fired on July 6, 1967, by federal forces (under Operation Unicord) at Gakem/Garkem in Biafran territory. Biafra declared independence on May 30 after years of pogroms and broken promises—this was invasion — a peaceful people, shackled to a blood thirsty caliphate against their will, who tried to negotiate coexistence, but were betrayed and slaughtered — not rebellion.
Watch it. Wrestle with it. Then join the real conversation.
#EarthShaker
https://t.co/Wl3CfBiR0c
Watch this. Twice. Make your children watch it. Play it at your church, in your Bible study group, at your school. Send it to your friends and elected officials. Like, share, repost. Pure enlightenment.
https://t.co/1wyr05hEy9
MEET THE CALIPHATE'S WAR CHIEF: From 1804 to today, the Sarkin Yaki's official job has been to conquer the Middle Belt
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Two hundred twenty-one years ago, in the dust of a small town called Gudu in present-day Sokoto State, a Fulani scholar named Usman dan Fodio raised a green banner. Around him gathered men with swords and horses. He declared a holy war.
This is the moment most Western readers — and even most modern Nigerians outside the north — have been taught to think of as ancient history. It is not ancient history. It is the operating manual of what is happening tonight in Plateau State.
Dan Fodio did not just raise an army. He raised a command structure. He gave specific lieutenants specific flags. Each flag carried the right to wage jihad in a specific direction. The western flag went to Gwandu. The eastern flag went to Gombe and Adamawa. The central flag stayed at Sokoto. And the southern flag — the one tasked with breaking and converting every non-Muslim community south of the Caliphate proper — went to a man named Mallam Yakubu.
Yakubu took that flag and pushed south. He attacked the lands the Caliphate cavalry could not climb — the Plateau, Tafawa Balewa, Wase, Bogoro. He founded the Bauchi Emirate in 1805 as the southern operations headquarters of the jihad.
And Dan Fodio gave him a title. Not just Emir. Something more specific. Something operational.
Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi.
In Hausa, that is "War Chief of the Commander of the Faithful." It means: when the Sultan of Sokoto wants war waged, the holder of this title carries the flag and gives the orders.
It is not honorary. It is not ceremonial. It is the designated military command position of the Sokoto Caliphate's southern campaign.
Every Emir of Bauchi has held that title since 1805. All eleven of them.
The current holder, sitting on the throne in Bauchi tonight, is Dr. Rilwanu Suleiman Adamu Jumba, enthroned July 30, 2010. Leadership Newspaper, a major Nigerian daily, put it plainly in 2022: he was "crowned as the chief warrior of the Sokoto caliphate."
Read that again. The chief warrior of the Sokoto caliphate. Not in the 1800s. Today. In 2026.
The mission that never ended
When Yakubu rode south with his flag, his targets were specific. The non-Muslim peoples of the Middle Belt. The Yergum. The Angas. The Tarok. The Sayawa. The Berom on the Plateau he could never quite climb. The Mwaghavul. The Bachama. Every indigenous people who would not bend to the new caliphate.
Some of these names you may not recognize. They are among the most ancient peoples of West Africa. Their ancestors farmed the Plateau and the Middle Belt valleys long before Mohammed ever lived. They had their own languages, their own kings, their own gods. They never asked to be part of any caliphate.
Yakubu came for them anyway. By order of Dan Fodio. Under the southern flag.
And here is what most people do not know — when Yakubu went back to Sokoto in 1807 to ask Dan Fodio where to plant his capital, his first proposal was not Bauchi. It was Wase. Yes — the same Wase whose Emir today is the JNI chairman of Plateau State. Dan Fodio told Yakubu to settle further north — but make sure the southern push reaches all the way to Wase and beyond.
Twelve years later, in 1817, Wase was founded as a sub-emirate under the Bauchi flag, exactly as Dan Fodio had ordered.
That structure exists today. The Tribune Online — a major Nigerian newspaper — published the official record straight from Bauchi's Chief Historian, Alhaji Ado Dan Rimi:
"Yakubun Bauchi was able to cover and protect most of the southern parts of the caliphate during the Jihad and had wide land coverage unlike most Emirs who concentrated only in their emirates."
Translation: Yakubu was not running just one emirate. He was running the southern war machine of the entire Caliphate. His successors have inherited that mandate.
Twenty-one decades later, the southern campaign has not stopped. The targets have not changed. The structure has not changed. The flag has not been lowered.
What has changed is the technology. The cavalry has been replaced by AK-47s. The slave raids have been replaced by mass killings. The expansion is now denied in Washington lobby firms instead of celebrated in court chronicles. But the geography of the violence — Plateau, Tafawa Balewa, Bogoro, Wase, Bokkos, Bassa, Mangu, Riyom — is identical to the geography Yakubu was assigned in 1805.
The flag is still flying. The Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi is still holding it.
How the power flows
Here is what every Western diplomat, every State Department analyst, every wide-eyed reporter in Abuja needs to understand. The Sokoto-Bauchi-Wase axis is not three random emirates having coincidentally similar problems. It is a single command chain, designed by Dan Fodio himself, still functioning exactly as drawn up.
Sokoto holds spiritual and political authority. The Sultan is "Commander of the Faithful." He sets policy. He blesses or withholds the war.
Bauchi holds military authority over the southern campaign. The Emir is the Sultan's designated war chief — Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi — with operational control over the Middle Belt expansion.
Wase holds forward-deployed operational authority inside Plateau itself. The Emir is JNI chairman of Plateau State, supervising every JNI chapter in all 17 LGAs where the killing is happening. He reports up the chain to Bauchi, and through Bauchi to Sokoto.
When the Sultan condemns "Allahu Akbar killers" to hell from a podium in Abuja, but the killings continue in Plateau, his own war chief in Bauchi has not lowered the flag. That is the structural fact. The Sultan can call it off in one phone call to the Emir of Bauchi. He has not.
In March 2026 — six weeks before the May 6 attack on Christian mourners at Nding — the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu, paid a formal courtesy visit to the Emir of Bauchi. He commended the Emir's "support" to the Nigerian Army. The Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi, the man whose 220-year-old title carries operational responsibility for the southern war on Christians, hosted Nigeria's top general in his palace.
Six weeks later, mourners burying their dead were attacked in Plateau by Fulani militia, and according to one eyewitness on the ground, by Nigerian soldiers as well.
The flag and the rifle. The throne and the trigger. Same chain.
2010: the year the flag was raised again
When the 11th Emir of Bauchi took his throne on July 30, 2010, something else was new in Nigeria. For the first time in modern history, a Christian Southerner was sitting in Aso Rock as President of Nigeria — Goodluck Jonathan, sworn in on May 5 of that same year after President Yar'Adua's death.
The northern Muslim political establishment did not accept that result. The unwritten zoning agreement — that the presidency rotates between North and South every two terms — had been broken by circumstance. They wanted their turn back.
Within six weeks of Rilwanu's enthronement, Boko Haram launched its modern violent phase. On September 7, 2010, the group broke more than 700 inmates out of Bauchi Prison — the most spectacular jailbreak in Nigerian history. Bauchi. The seat of the Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi. The chief warrior city.
Three months later, on Christmas Eve 2010, Boko Haram bombings in Jos killed more than 80 Christians. The Plateau campaign moved from skirmishes to industrial-scale slaughter.
The next year, when Jonathan defeated Buhari at the polls, the Caliphate answered with mass killings. Post-election Christian massacres swept Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Gombe. More than 800 dead in three days. Hundreds of churches burned. By 2014, Boko Haram had displaced two million people and abducted the Chibok girls. By 2015, the northern political establishment had taken the presidency back through Buhari.
By 2025, more than 125,000 Christians and 60,000 peaceful Muslims had been slaughtered in northern Nigeria and the Middle Belt. Most of it under the southern flag.
I am not telling you the chief warrior personally pulled triggers. I am telling you the chronology. The flag was raised in mid-2010. The killing accelerated immediately. The southern campaign has not stopped since.
This is what the 220-year-old job description looks like in modern times.
The question every reporter in Abuja should ask
Next time the Sultan of Sokoto walks to a podium and condemns "Allahu Akbar killers" to hell — somebody, please, ask him this:
Your Eminence, when will you order your Sarkin Yakin Sarkin Musulmi — the Emir of Bauchi — to lower the flag of the southern jihad?
Watch him struggle with that question. Watch him pretend he does not know what you mean. Watch him pretend the title is just historical decoration.
It is not. The Tribune Online printed the title from the Bauchi Emirate's own Chief Historian. Leadership Newspaper printed it from the palace's own anniversary statement. The line is unbroken. The flag is still flying. The chief warrior is still on his throne.
Two centuries. Eleven men. One mission.
The Middle Belt. The Plateau. The Christian villages of southern Bauchi.
Conquer them.
That has been the official job description, on the record, for two hundred twenty-one years.
Anybody who tells you the killings on the Plateau are random, or about cattle, or about climate, or about anything other than what they are — is selling you a lie that the Caliphate's own record contradicts.
The flag is still flying.
Somebody needs to lower it.
#EarthShaker
@MikeArnoldTruth I am completely in agreement with you Mr. Arnold. Jonathan has not changed in terms of consideration of personal ambition or interest. With due respect to him, since he left office, what has he done to ameliorate the pains and sufferings of innocent Nigerians including his people
A Question for President Goodluck Jonathan
Former President Goodluck Jonathan is a good man. That is how history remembers him. That is how he comes across in person. I have sat with him. I have looked him in the eye. He is gentle, thoughtful, prayerful — a rare combination at the top of African politics.
In US interviews, I have called him an "accidental Christian president," because that is what he was. The token Southern Christian Vice President in the Yar'Adua administration. When the President died in May 2010 — a year before the next election — the constitution put Jonathan in the chair. The powers that be never intended for him to be the top man.
That is not to diminish him. It is to explain why they unleashed hell to get him out.
During his tenure, Nigeria was more peaceful and her people more prosperous than they are today. It was the only nation on earth where radical Islam was being pushed back. Boko Haram was on its heels. Christian villages and churches still stood. The Plateau still had farmers on it. There was real progress. Real hope.
Then Buhari claimed victory in 2015 — with Obama's full backing, and election results that were very much open to challenge.
Jonathan made a famous concession. He walked away. He said: "My political ambition is not worth the blood of one Nigerian."
That line has burnished his stature as an elder statesman. It is the line every news anchor quotes when they introduce him. It is the line that has earned him standing ovations at every African Union summit since.
It is also the line that gives me pause.
Because here is the truth, said plainly and without disrespect:
The fight was not about his political ambition.
It was about life. It was about liberty. It was about whether a Christian Southerner could lead Nigeria out of the darkness that has smothered her people for generations. It was about standing in the gap when the gap was open.
And by walking away — by treating the fight as if it were about him — Goodluck Jonathan did not save Nigerian blood. He let it spill.
Since 2015:
More than 185,000 Nigerians have been killed. 125,000 of them Christians. 60,000 of them peaceful Muslims slaughtered by the same machine.
More than 19,000 churches destroyed.
10 to 12 million Nigerians displaced from their ancestral lands. Mass slavery. Mass starvation. Mass forgetting.
That is the cost of one man's decision to call life-and-death a question of personal ambition.
I do not say this to wound him. I say it because the same darkness that took the country in 2015 is more powerful today than it was then. It has had total control of Nigeria for going on twelve years. It has metastasized. It has bought generals. It has hired Washington lobbyists. It has filled the mass graves of the Middle Belt and the IDP camps of the Northeast.
And now His Excellency has signaled he may run again in 2027.
So here is my question for him. And I ask it with the deepest, most genuine respect.
Mr. President — now more than perhaps any time in Nigerian history, your people need a fighter.
A champion. A man who will stand in the gap and wage war on the darkness — the bloody foreign hands, the radical ideology of death, the corrupt and complicit leaders, the brutal system of submission and silence that is smothering the land. A man who will champion the displaced generation — 10 to 12 million innocent Nigerians traumatically driven from their ancestral lands — and get them back home. Safe. Restored. Where they belong.
Are you that man?
What did you learn from 2015?
What will you do different?
Or is this, once again, about your political ambition?
Because, sir — with all the respect a man can give to a man — Nigerians can no longer afford a leader who lays down the fight in the name of peace. The blood is already on the ground. The peace has already been broken. The only question left is whether the next time they come for your people, you will stand.
Or step aside.
#EarthShaker
Fellow Nigerians, good morning.
I woke up this morning after my church service with a deeply reflective heart, and despite every constraint, I felt compelled to share these thoughts with you.
Many people do not truly understand the silent pains some of us carry daily—the private struggles, emotional burdens, and quiet battles we face while trying to survive and serve sincerely in difficult circumstances.
We now live in an environment that has become increasingly toxic, where the very system that should protect and create opportunities for decent living often works against the people—a society where intimidation, insecurity, endless scrutiny, and discouragement have become normal.
More painful is when some of those you associate with, believing you would find understanding and solidarity among them, become part of the pressure you face. Some who publicly identify with you privately distance themselves or join in unfair criticism.
We live in a society where humility is mistaken for weakness, respect is seen as a lack of courage, and compassion is treated as foolishness—a system where treating people equally is questioned simply because you refuse to worship status, tribe, class, or power.
Personally, I have never looked down on anyone except to uplift them. I have never used privilege, position, or resources to oppress others, intimidate the weak, or make people feel small. To me, leadership has always been about service, sacrifice, and helping others rise.
Let me state clearly: my decision to leave the ADC is not because our highly respected Chairman, Senator David Mark, treated me badly, nor because my leader and elder brother, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, or any other respected leaders did anything personally wrong to me. I will continue to respect them.
However, the same Nigerian state and its agents that created unnecessary crises and hostility within the Labour Party that forced me to leave now appear to be finding their way into the ADC, with endless court cases, internal battles, suspicion, and division, instead of focusing on deeper national problems and playing politics built more on control and exclusion than on service and nation-building.
Even within spaces where one labours sincerely, one is sometimes treated like an outsider in one’s own home. You and your team become easy targets for every failure, frustration, or misunderstanding, as though honest contribution has become a favour being tolerated rather than appreciated.
And when you choose to leave so that those you are leaving can have peace, and you step out into the cold, you are still maligned and your character is questioned. Despite all your efforts to continue working for a better Nigeria and engaging people with sincerity and goodwill, those who do not wish you well continue to attack your character and question your intentions.
There are moments I ask God in prayer: Why is doing the right thing often misconstrued as wrongdoing in our country? Why is integrity not valued? Why is the prudent management of resources, especially when invested in critical areas like education and healthcare, wrongly labelled as stinginess? Why are humility and obedience to the rule of law often taken to be weakness rather than discipline?
Let me assure all that I am not desperate to be President, Vice President, or Senate President. I am desperate to see a society that can console a mother whose child has been kidnapped or killed while going to school or work. I am desperate to see a Nigeria where people will not live in IDP camps but in their homes. I am desperate for a country where Nigerian citizens do not go to bed hungry, not knowing where their next meal will come from.
Yet, despite everything, I remain resolute. I firmly believe that Nigeria can still become a country with competent leadership based on justice, compassion, and equal opportunity for all.
A new Nigeria is POssible. -PO
THE CALIPHATE’S AMBASSADOR TO BEIJING: Facilitating Tinubu’s Pivot to the East
Tinubu just sent Lt. Gen. Abdulrahman Dambazau to China. Look at who this man is:
▪️ Fulani aristocrat from the Dambazawa clan of Kano — bloodline traces straight to the 1804 Sokoto jihad. Holds the title Baraden Kano.
▪️ Chief of Army Staff 2008–2010, when Boko Haram metastasized.
▪️ Buhari’s 2015 campaign security chief. Then Interior Minister 2015–2019 — borders, immigration, prisons — through the years the military was purged of Christian officers, Christian villages were disarmed, and the Middle Belt turned red.
▪️ Those were also the years jihadis poured south by the thousands — from Libya after Gaddafi fell, from Mali, from Burkina Faso, from the collapsing Sahel — through Nigeria’s wide-open northern borders. The borders his ministry was supposed to control. They didn’t slip in. They walked in.
▪️ Buhari fired him in 2019 after a presidential panel reportedly found him guilty of “abuse of office” in the Maina pension scandal. Punch reported he held a Dubai strategy session with Maina — a federal fugitive later convicted of laundering stolen pension money through Dubai and U.S. real estate.
▪️ The Oodua Peoples Congress publicly accused him of turning the Boko Haram war into “an ATM” and buying houses in Abuja, Dubai, and the U.S. with blood money. He never sued. Never denied it. Never asked EFCC to clear his name.
▪️ Punch said “unexplained wealth.” Never investigated.
▪️ His Interior Ministry oversaw borders while Chinese illegal miners flooded Zamfara’s gold belt — paying jihadi bandits for security access, trading gold for arms, fueling the killings. Nigeria’s own Mines Minister said “Nigerians in high positions of authority” were in on it. Nobody named names. They never had to.
Now look at the timing:
▪️ Oct 31, 2025 — Trump designates Nigeria CPC.
▪️ Nov 1 — Trump threatens military action.
▪️ Dec 4 — Tinubu sends Dambazau to the Senate for Beijing.
▪️ Dec 17 — Ribadu signs the $9 million DCI lobbying contract.
▪️ Mar 6, 2026 — Dambazau formally posted to China.
I told the congressional briefing this last week: U.S. sanctions alone will not bring Tinubu to heel. They will cause him to pivot east.
Dambazau is the proof. This posting was finalized in the five weeks between Trump’s threat and the Senate confirmation. It’s not diplomacy. It’s the exit ramp.
A Fulani general who knows the Dubai networks. Who knows the Chinese mining godfathers. Who let the borders sit open while the Sahel emptied into Nigeria. Who has every personal reason to want this regime to survive.
The man who ran the borders while jihadis streamed in and Chinese miners armed the bandits is now Tinubu’s man in Beijing.
That’s not coincidence. That’s the plan.
Rise and Shine.
#EarthShaker
Tinubu has answered me. The Sultan has answered me. Sheikh Gumi has answered me.
When the President, the Caliph, and the chief jihadi cleric of Northern Nigeria all break silence to address one Texan with an X page — you know what they're scared of.
They are not scared of me. They are scared of you.
Every follower this account adds is one more witness to the Christian genocide they spent fifteen years burying. One more voice they can't silence. One more set of eyes they can't blind.
Here's the ask:
1) Follow @MikeArnoldTruth if you don't already.
2) Repost this post.
3) Tag three people who need to be following along.
Let's give Aso Rock a heart attack!
#EarthShaker
UPDATE: BORNO STATE — COORDINATED ISWAP ATTACKS, APRIL 8-9, 2026
I first reported this overnight, as it was happening. I've since received multiple confirmations. From what I know, this is what happened:
ISWAP launched simultaneous attacks on two Borno State locations overnight — Pulka community in Gwoza LGA and Benesheikh town in Kaga LGA.
In Pulka, fighters struck the military operations base at approximately 10:25 PM, engaging soldiers until troops ran out of ammunition. Attackers then moved to a road construction site, destroying equipment and vehicles belonging to Decency Road Construction Firm, before setting civilian homes ablaze. Civilians fled to surrounding mountains. Reinforcements arrived from Brigade Gwoza and repelled the attack. One Civilian JTF member was killed. Military casualties unconfirmed but reported.
In Benesheikh, terrorists struck at approximately 1 AM, burning trucks and commercial vehicles and killing motorists and passengers who had stopped for the night due to the routine evening closure of the Maiduguri-Damaturu-Kano road. A Brigadier General — the military's commanding officer at Benesheikh — was killed in the attack. It is the highest-ranking officer killed since Brigadier General Uba was killed in a Borno ambush in late 2025.
The two attacks were coordinated and simultaneous. Senator Ali Ndume confirmed both incidents, noting that troops are doing their best but lack sufficient equipment to confront the terrorists.
Pulka currently hosts thousands of displaced survivors from the Ngoshe massacre of March 3. The terrorists hit it again last night.
My thoughts: Tinubu and his administration should relocate to the military base there. Perhaps the next attack will solve all of Nigeria's problems all at once - when they are visited by their "brothers" and "sons" and given a fitting send-off.
Note: The troops lack "insufficient equipment" -- too bad they can't fight with "Restoring Hope" buses, or bags of rice, or N300,000,000 wristwatches.
The Nigerian government is illegitimate, illegal, corrupt and complicit. Innocent people continue to pay the price. This must end.
#EarthShaker
FROM TEHRAN TO TINUBU - DID TRUMP JUST SIGNAL A PIVOT?
On the biggest night of his second term — a ceasefire with Iran announced ninety minutes before his own deadline to destroy a civilization — Donald Trump strategically injected Nigeria into the global conversation.
In a Truth Social post at 8:01 PM Eastern, seen by millions, he blasted CNN for reporting an Iranian victory statement — calling it a "FRAUD" linked to "a Fake News site (from Nigeria)."
One sentence. Maximum audience. Nigeria is now in the room.
This is how Trump operates. He doesn't need a press conference. He plants a seed in the biggest news cycle of the year and lets the world's gears start turning. Every foreign ministry that read that post now has Nigeria alongside Iran in their head. Every sleazy lobbyist on Tinubu's payroll felt it. The ground just got softer.
Here's what else happened this week that Abuja should be thinking about.
After Palm Sunday — 53 Christians gunned down across three attacks in North Central Nigeria — Senator Ted Cruz posted that the U.S. government is actively tracking Nigerian officials suspected of sponsoring terrorism. Not investigating. Not considering. Tracking.
And Rep. Riley Moore, who spent five months managing Tinubu like a diplomatic pen pal — glad to work with them, hoping for progress, warning that mass murder might "strain relations" — suddenly quoted his boss: "President Trump has been very clear that if the Nigerian government will not address this genocide, we will address it for them."
That's not Moore finding his spine. That's Trump handing him one.
Now ask yourself what 200 U.S. troops with MQ-9 Reaper drones have been doing at Bauchi Airfield since February. The Reaper is a hunter-killer platform. It loiters for 27 hours. It sees everything. It remembers everything. For two months those drones have been mapping the north — the bush in Sokoto, the forests of the Middle Belt, the command networks that run from the camps to the capitals.
They know where the terrorists are. They know who funds them. They know who calls them brothers. They know who calls them sons.
The USS Paul Ignatius is in the Gulf of Guinea. It put 16 Tomahawk missiles into Sokoto on Christmas night. It can do it again before breakfast.
Trump doesn't telegraph. He plants. He positions. He prepares. Then he moves.
Tinubu's $9 million lobbying machine told him Washington was manageable. His NSA told him the Americans were partners, not threats. His Defence Chief went on video and called jihadist murderers "prodigal sons." His government denied millions of displaced Christians even exist, called them criminals, bulldozed their camps.
And then Palm Sunday happened. Again. On the holiest week of the Christian calendar. Again.
Tehran had bombers over its cities for 39 days before it got serious. Tinubu has had five months of warnings, the US bombing Sokoto on Christmas, American boots on Nigerian soil, a congressional bill with sanctions language targeting him and his officials by name — and Palm Sunday still happened.
The ceasefire in Iran just freed up the most powerful man on earth.
Watch the next two weeks.
Rise. #EarthShaker
This is the best edited video about the Daniel Bwala shameful interview.
Wheoever edited this video needs to be compensated.
Daniel Bwala is the most shameless human alongside Reno Omokri.