Sealed inside their own echo chamber, Israelis convinced themselves of a myth of military hegemony, total impunity, a small state that could play global superpower. This has been the narrative of defiance within Israeli discourse since 7 October
The bubble is slowly bursting. Hamas is still standing. Hezbollah fought the IDF to a stalemate. Iran extracted major US concessions without firing a shot. And Israel is more isolated than at any point in its history.
The "regional great power" was always just borrowed American muscle. They were just the last to notice.
Oliver FrljiÄ, izbjegliÄko dite, onaj Äije su Euripidove Bakhe na splitskom ljetu izazvale prvotno zabranu intedanta Milana Ć trljiÄa, pa su intervencijom Ive Sanadera vraÄene na scenu, opet igra. I to s VjeĆĄticama iz Salema.
Podkast Novosti naglas: đ
https://t.co/NcTJwLPjsw
@The_Davos_Man Over indebted Yugoslavia is just a convenient myth for those who deny the socialist model. Yugoslavia's debt-to-GDP ratio peaked at 32% in 1982; compare it to France's current debt of 111%. https://t.co/jfpwoLuv1O
Here's an interesting thought experiment: what would the world have been like had the U.S. decided to take towards electricity the approach it's currently taking towards AI?
Imagine if, say, the United States in 1890 had declared electricity a matter of national security, classified the designs of Edisonâs dynamos and Teslaâs induction motors as export-controlled, integrated its electrical companies directly into the War Department, framed the generator as a strategic weapon rather than a general-purpose technology, and spent the following century building its foreign policy around ensuring that only it, and politically-aligned nations, had access to the light bulb.
Batshit insane, right? Well thatâs pretty much EXACTLY the posture itâs taking towards AI.
Had that happened, itâs painfully obvious weâd ALL have been immeasurably poorer for it, materially and morally.
And the United States first and foremost, given that for electricity - as will undoubtedly be the case for AI - the real value didnât lie in control of the technology but in its widespread diffusion and in what you built on top of it.
Think about the U.S.âs âelectricity giantsâ: companies like GE, Whirlpool or RCA didnât get rich by âowningâ electricity - they got rich by selling what electricity made possible into a world that was electrifying as fast as it could. The U.S.âs electrical fortune was built on the world electrifying alongside it, not against it.
Does the analogy hold for AI? Yes, surprisingly well. I like Jensen Huangâs recent description of AI (https://t.co/XcLK2iJEsS) as a "5-layer cake" made of 1) energy, 2) chips, 3) infrastructure, 4) models and lastly 5) applications.
The implication of his point is that each layer save for the last one - the application layer - will ultimately be largely commoditized, and as such thatâs where the real value lies: in the millions of specific products, services, and industrial processes that get built on top of the other 4 layers.
Itâs typical network building: the layers underneath eventually become utilities, and utilities are low-margin commodity businesses. It happened with electricity, it happened with phones, it happened with railroads, it happened with the internet itself. The operators of each layer got commoditized over time, while the durable, century-defining fortunes accrued at the top of the stack: GE on top of electricity, Apple on top of the mobile and telecom infrastructure, Amazon and Google on top of the internet.
There's no reason to think AI - a general-purpose technology of the same order - will turn out any different.
And in fact, we're seeing this happening in real time: take the release of DeepSeek V4 today. What is it if not a commodification of the model layer in Jensen Huang's "5-layer cake"? A frontier-grade model, given away under an MIT license, running on non-Nvidia silicon - and shipped by a lab that explicitly frames it as "AGI belongs to everyone" (https://t.co/b40MxBf4NW).
When a product that cost tens of billions of dollars to develop can be downloaded for free and run on commodity hardware, that product is, by definition, a commodity.
This means that the whole notion of an "AI race" is now absurd on the face of it: you cannot race for control of a thing that is being given away for free by someone who isn't racing.
And doubly absurd because, as we just saw, the economics of general-purpose technologies actively punish "race winners": the value accrues at the application layer, which requires the maximum possible diffusion of everything underneath it. "Winning" by hoarding the model layer is like "winning" electricity by refusing to let people have a generator - you don't capture the value, you prevent it from ever being created.
That's the topic of my latest article in which I argue that the whole "AI race" framing isn't just wrong, it's one of the most successful regulatory capture operations in history.
Shaped by a handful of US companies - like Palantir, Anthropic and OpenAI - it's a perfect example of an industry convincing the public to cheer for its own enrichment by dressing it up as a civilizational struggle.
Link to the article here: https://t.co/Tw8rA2E8IF
Enjoy the read!
Truly grim. Since there are virtually no Ukrainian fighting-age men left in Ukraine, it looks like they are planning to start rounding up the Ukrainian refugees in Europe. To the last Ukrainian.
@nntaleb Unsucesfull bombing with deep penetration bombs of president Milosevic residence in Dedinje, Belgrade, it was properly build by Yugoslavia Comunist state, they new how to make underground structures, like Iran today
Prof. Jeffrey Sachs on the farce of Western countries telling Congo to âjust govern properlyâ:
âThe Kingdom of Belgium created a slave colony in Congo for 30 years. The government of Belgium ran the slave colony for another 40 years. The CIA assassinated Congoâs first popular leader Patrice Lumumba, and then installed another dictatorship for the next 30 years.
And then Glencore and others now suck out your cobalt without giving Congo tax income. We donât reflect on that. We say whatâs wrong with you? Why donât you govern properly?â
Meanwhile, "Ukrainian studies" people are trashing Yuri Slezkine for calling out Ukrainian ethnonationalism. I have never felt such a chasm between what is discussed on academic panels about Ukraine and the reality of Ukraine, and even what is openly discussed in Ukrainian media and on social networks.
This all began with Yugoslavia. I said at the time the dismemberment of the former Yugoslav state and then of Serbia would pave the way for imperialist war after war. And so it did. And would until it was stopped. And so it now is being in Iran. #Yugoslavia#Serbia#Iran
This is part one of a paper in which I argue that the EU has historically compensated for its lack of democratic legitimacy by cycling through a series of (self-)legitimising narratives â from postwar peace to market integration to âEuropean valuesâ â and reflect on how these have systematically failed to resolve the core tension between technocratic governance and democratic self-rule, and indeed have actually exacerbated this tension, leading both to an intensification of the EUâs imperial project but also to a growing backlash against it.
Abstract
The European Union has never possessed a democratic foundation in any meaningful sense of the term. In the absence of a European demos, a shared public sphere or any founding act of collective self-determination, the EU has historically compensated for its structural legitimacy deficit through the continuous production and rotation of legitimising narratives. This paper traces that evolution from the postwar peace project through market integration, monetary union and rights-based constitutionalism, to the emergence of an explicitly moral and geopolitical register centred on âEuropean valuesâ. It argues that this succession of narratives has never represented a maturing political identity but rather a series of compensatory symbolic adjustments â each one emerging from the exhaustion of the previous, none capable of resolving the underlying contradiction between technocratic supranational governance and democratic self-rule.
The paper further argues that the EUâs values discourse, far from reflecting a genuine normative commitment, has always functioned as an instrument of depoliticisation and elite power: a means of sacralising the integration project, narrowing the space of legitimate democratic contestation and externalising blame for domestically unpopular policies onto supranational necessity. Rather than opening politics, EU value narratives have consistently closed it, reframing fundamental political choices as moral imperatives, technical requirements or existential obligations beyond legitimate challenge.
This structural hypocrisy has now been definitively exposed. The EUâs loudly proclaimed commitments to the so-called rules-based international order, human rights, democratic sovereignty and the prohibition of aggression have been revealed as entirely conditional on geopolitical alignment. The contrast between the EUâs response to Russiaâs invasion of Ukraine â framed as a civilisational struggle requiring unlimited solidarity and sacrifice â and its silence or active complicity in the face of the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the strangling of Venezuelan sovereignty and US-Israeli military aggression against Iran lays bare what the values discourse has always concealed: that âEuropean valuesâ are not universal principles but instruments of Western geopolitical interest, deployed selectively and abandoned without embarrassment the moment they become inconvenient.
What emerges from this analysis is a portrait of the EU not as a community of shared values, but as a technocratic, anti-democratic juggernaut whose moral language has always served a dual imperial purpose: justifying the subordination of member-state democracies to supranational elite governance â a form of internal or âauto-colonisationâ â while simultaneously providing ideological cover for the projection of Western power abroad. The paper concludes that the EUâs legitimacy crisis cannot be resolved through better narratives or more coherent values communication, but rather lies in the very model of supranational integration itself.
Read the article here: https://t.co/IHRbMbtWKj
The post-war Potsdam Agreement stipulated that both West and East Germany would denazify and dismantle the monopolies that were the bedrock of the Nazi regime. West Germany never complied and, unfortunately, annexed and dismantled the East after the defeat of its socialist project. The wrong Germany won the Cold War.