@LeandinhoDK Synes da overhovedet ikke det er “klart”. Virker lidt tilfældigt hvordan de lige få sat framen og stedet de trækker linjen fra. Ret afgørende musse-click som ligger til grund for hele udfaldet og de “8 cm”. Og hvorfor i alverden har man kun et kamera på den ene side..?
@AntiGFH Jeg vil give dig ret i at det mest optimale ville være et mindre stadion, men 1964 park er bare ikke godt nok hvis man lige vil give oplevelsen et løft. Synes det er fint man gør det en gang imellem. Folk forventer jo ikke der bliver udsolgt.
@lasse_weberg@troelslundp Er nu ret glad for, at man ikke lige regner en fuldstændig ukendt produktivitetsgevinst ind i dette forlig. Lige så snart der er et råderum i "fremtidspenge", går der ikke længe før politikerne har brugt dem.
This is Orbán’s ‘LA PIOVRA’ ecosystem. Bear with me.
The pipeline begins with the Hungarian taxpayer. The Hungarian government allocates massive sums of money from the state budget directly to the Prime Minister’s Cabinet Office (headed by Antal Rogán, who oversees government communications and messaging).
Rather than funding international media or think tanks directly (which would be highly transparent and subject to standard state audits), the Cabinet Office transfers these public funds to a middle-man entity: the Batthyány Lajos Foundation (BLA).
The legal loophole: In 2021, the Orbán government elevated the BLA to a special legal status known as a "Public Interest Asset Management Trust" (KEKVA). Under Hungarian law, this status allows the foundation to "perform a public function independently of any government." Consequently, the state can endow it with massive amounts of public money, such as €23 million in 2023 and over €27 million in 2024, while shielding the subsequent distribution of those funds from traditional public scrutiny.
Once the public funds are inside the BLA, they are no longer legally classified as standard "public money" in the same way, but rather as the foundation's independent assets. The BLA acts as a grant-making body, distributing millions of euros to a highly curated network of pro-Fidesz think tanks, institutes, and publications. Notable recipients alongside The European Conservative include the Center for Fundamental Rights (which organizes CPAC Hungary) and the Danube Institute.
The corporate entity that publishes the magazine, European Conservative Nkft., applies for and receives operational grants directly from the BLA. Because of the foundation's structure, the magazine's operations are heavily, if not entirely, subsidized by the initial state funds.
Investigative reporting utilizing public interest data requests revealed that European Conservative Nkft. received a direct grant of €1.8 million from the BLA specifically to cover its 2024 operational costs.
https://t.co/QkMiPKOZ6u