Olivia
Online
Cockney Barrow Boy
@bobbomorgan
Groovy Fucker, Bon Viveur, Motorcyclist, Barroom Philosopher, Collector, Homo Sapien.
Cape Town
Joined December 2008
1.4K Following
135 Followers
1.9K Posts
@MbalulaFikile learn to read the room, you useless fuck
@Khu_Ntshavheni @JustXavierB Aren’t you the smirking bitch from the White House? The one who thinks farm murders are a joke?
@PMashatile Pack your bags, sick boy. Time to go.
@MbalulaFikile Your only priority is filling your pockets with our money. Fuck off, fucko.
🇿🇦The New South Africa.....‼️
Attention: Mr President Cyril Ramaphosa (Not my president!)
Since YOU are the president (Since 2017) I thought you should know exactly what has been happening on the ground to the average citizen in South Africa. Since it seems very clear to me (And millions of other SA citizens), that you DO NOT CARE about the average citizen in South Africa, I have done months of research to compile this list for you, to give YOU, “Mr President”, broad based overview of just how South Africa has declined since 1994.
As a naturalized South African who has witnessed the country's trajectory since 1980, I have lived through the monumental shift from the pre-1994 apartheid era into the democratic dispensation. Over the decades, public archives, media reports, parliamentary oversight documents, and civil society memorandums have recorded a vast, mounting catalogue of grievances directed at the central, provincial, and local administrations of the ruling African National Congress (ANC).
I have compiled a list of various written complaints over a 32-year timeline, which span thousands of distinct local grievances. However, looking at the macro-level of governance failures, policy missteps, and structural crises that have defined the public outcry, the systemic complaints are structured below in sequential date order to trace how these issues evolved from 1994 to 2026.
The Foundation and Early Structural Strain (1994–1999)
Focus: Post-apartheid reconstruction challenges, initial administrative centralisation, and policy transitions.
1. 1994–1996 (Rapid Bureaucratic Restructuring & Job Losses): Early complaints from civil servants and economists regarding the rapid amalgamation of racially segregated administrations into new provincial structures, leading to institutional memory loss and initial service slowdowns/breakdowns.
2. 1996 (The Abandonment of RDP for GEAR): Public and labour friction (particularly from COSATU) when the government shifted from the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic strategy, which critics argued prioritised neo-liberal fiscal discipline over rapid social spending.
3. 1996–1999 (Rising Unemployment & Informal Settlement Expansion): Widespread documentation of the inability of the formal economy to absorb millions of unskilled job seekers, leading to the rapid, un-serviced expansion of informal settlements around major metropolitan peripheries.
The HIV/AIDS Crisis and Municipal Growing Pains (2000–2008)
Focus: Public health denial, early corruption scandals, and the genesis of systemic infrastructure strain.
4. 2000–2003 (HIV/AIDS Denialism & Treatment Access): International and domestic outrage over government policy regarding HIV/AIDS, presidential denialism, and the refusal to roll out antiretroviral (ARV) drugs in public hospitals, resulting in hundreds of thousands of preventable deaths (culminating in the Treatment Action Campaign legal battles).
5. 2001–2002 (The Arms Deal Controversy): Outcry over the multi-billion-rand Strategic Defence Package (The Arms Deal), which introduced high-level state corruption, procurement irregularities, and allegations of political kickbacks into the post-apartheid executive branch.
6. 2004 (The Beginning of Chronic "Service Delivery Protests"): The outbreak of localized, sometimes violent protests (notably starting in places like Harrismith) against crumbling local governance, lack of clean water, uncollected refuse, and housing backlogs.
7. 2005–2007 (The Disbanding of The Scorpions): Public complaints and legal pushback over the political decision to disband the Directorate of Special Operations (The Scorpions)—an elite, highly effective independent anti-corruption unit housed within the National Prosecuting Authority.
8. 2007–2008 (The First National Electricity Load Shedding Crisis): The initial onset of nationwide rolling blackouts (Load Shedding Stage 1 to Stage 3) as Eskom’s aging power stations failed to meet growing demand, signaling a catastrophic failure in long-term state energy planning.
State Capture, Institutional Decay, and Economic Stagnation (2009–2018)
Focus: Deepening corruption, administrative patronage, and the erosion of state-owned enterprises.
9. 2009–2018 (The Era of "State Capture"): Massive documentation across judicial commissions, media reports, and public filings detailing the systemic hijacking of state-owned enterprises (Transnet, SAA, Eskom) and government departments by political factions and the Gupta family.
10. 2011 (Water and Sanitation Collapse in Rural/Peri-Urban Municipalities): Escalating complaints regarding the collapse of municipal water infrastructure, raw sewage spills into rivers, and polluted drinking water systems (highlighted heavily after incidents like the death of Andries Tatane in Ficksburg).
11. 2012 (The Marikana Massacre & Labour Unrest): The tragic killing of 34 striking miners by police at Lonmin's platinum mine in Marikana, exposing deep fault lines in post-apartheid labour relations, policing methods, corporate-state collusion, and severe worker poverty.
12. 2015–2016 (#FeesMustFall Student Protests): Nationwide student uprisings demanding the decolonization of higher education and free tertiary education, driven by years of underfunding for universities and escalating tuition fees that locked out working-class youth.
13. 2015–2017 (The Sinking of Public Healthcare): Widespread exposure of systemic crises in provincial public hospitals (e.g., the Esidimeni tragedy in Gauteng, where over 140 psychiatric patients died after being moved to ill-equipped NGOs).
14. 2016 (Municipal Electoral Shifts & Coalition Instability): Citizen complaints regarding the total collapse of governance in major metros (Johannesburg, Tshwane, Nelson Mandela Bay) as hung councils descended into endless political infighting rather than service delivery.
Compounding Crises, Total Grid Failure, and Social Fractures (2019–2026)
Focus: Pandemic-era corruption, economic downgrade, infrastructure gridlock, and systemic lawlessness.
15. 2019–2020 (Unemployment Records & COVID-19 Relief Corruption): Outrage over the astronomical rise in unemployment (surpassing historical global highs) and public disgust over corruption and looting involving COVID-19 Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) procurement tenders.
16. 2021 (July Civil Unrest and Looting): Widespread civil unrest, arson, and looting in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng following political tensions, which exposed deep-seated intelligence failures, police vulnerability, and critical supply chain fragility.
17. 2022–2023 (Stage 6-to-Stage 8 Load Shedding & Transnet Rail Collapse): Peak energy crisis years where businesses and households faced up to 10 to 12 hours of daily power outages, alongside the near-total collapse of freight rail and port networks due to mismanagement, theft, and infrastructure vandalism.
18. 2023–2024 (The "Mafia" and Construction Extortion Forums): Widespread complaints from small businesses, property developers, and civil contractors regarding organised criminal syndicates ("extortion forums") halting public infrastructure projects with impunity due to weak law enforcement.
19. 2025–2026 (Municipal Fiscal Collapse, Water Cartels, and Grid Decay): Contemporary citizen filings focusing on total municipal insolvencies, continuous multi-day water outages across Gauteng and major cities, crumbling potholed road networks, and a deep sense of economic disenfranchisement that has pushed South Africa's growth rates far below global emerging-market standards.
In Summary
When looking at this chronology, the complaints transition predictably across three distinct eras:
• The 1990s: High hopes weighed down by hasty structural adjustments and administrative growing pains.
• The 2000s: Missed infrastructural warnings (energy, water) and the introduction of institutional decay and political patronage.
• The 2010s to 2026: Comprehensive state capture, systemic economic stagnation, and the literal crumbling of physical infrastructure (electricity, rail, roads, and water).
The Racism against White people in SA (B-BBEE)
The Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) framework is one of the most structural, politically contested, and economically consequential policies implemented in post-1994 South Africa.
Designed fundamentally as an instrument of state-driven remediation, B-BBEE evaluates and scores businesses based on a multi-element scorecard. For citizens, business owners, and workers outside the historically disadvantaged demographic definitions, the policy presents severe systemic hurdles that many critics—alongside major employer groups and free-market think tanks—characterize as an effective barrier to full participation, market access, and career progression.
The framework operates through several key dimensions, structural impacts, and central arguments surrounding its implementation:
The Core Legislative Structure & Definitions
The Legal Baseline: Governed primarily by the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act (No. 53 of 2003) and its subsequent amendments, the policy uses legal compliance metrics to reshape corporate ownership, control, and procurement.
The Definition of "Black": The Act defines "black people" as a generic term encompassing African, Coloured, and Indian citizens who are either native-born or acquired citizenship prior to April 1994 (subsequently expanded to include naturalizations under specific conditions).Please take note, NO WHITE PEOPLE!!!
The Exclusionary Effect: By statutory definition, white South Africans—regardless of whether they arrived after 1994, were born into modest means, or faced economic hardship post-1994—are excluded from the primary demographic groups targeted for empowerment. Consequently, businesses owned exclusively by white individuals start at the lowest possible compliance tier (often translating to a zero-score on ownership and preferential procurement metrics).
How the Scorecard Affects Business and Employment
The B-BBEE scorecard measures companies across five core pillars. For white-owned enterprises or professionals navigating the corporate sector, these pillars create distinct operational bottlenecks:
Ownership: Enterprises are heavily incentivized—and in some sectors (like mining, finance, and telecommunications) legally mandated—to transfer a significant equity percentage (often 25% to 30% or more) to black shareholders or employee/community trusts. For independent white entrepreneurs, building a business from scratch often means facing structural pressure to dilute personal equity to remain competitive.
Management Control & Employment Equity:
Strict racial quotas and targets govern boards, executive management, and senior positions. Companies are penalized on their scorecard if their internal demographics do not align with national or regional economically active population (EAP) targets. This places a de facto ceiling on career advancement for white professionals in both the corporate sphere and state entities.
Preferential Procurement (The Commercial Loop):
This is often cited as the most punishing element. Private companies are graded based on the B-BBEE status of their suppliers. Because corporations want high B-BBEE scores to secure private contracts or bid for state tenders, they actively drop non-compliant or low-scoring suppliers. Consequently, white-owned small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) frequently find themselves boxed out of corporate supply chains, independent of the quality or pricing of their goods.
Skills Development & Enterprise Development:
Businesses must allocate a percentage of their payroll towards training historically disadvantaged individuals or funding external black-owned startups to score points, imposing a heavy compliance tax on companies irrespective of racial makeup.
Economic Arguments and Criticisms
The debate surrounding B-BBEE is sharply polarized between national transformation imperatives and macroeconomic critiques:
The Stagnation and "White Tax" Argument:
Prominent economists and business analysts (such as Dawie Roodt) frequently describe B-BBEE as an inefficient "white tax" and a major deterrent to foreign and domestic investment. Independent policy studies have estimated that compliance costs, administrative red tape, and distorted resource allocations reduce South Africa's annual GDP growth significantly, destroying tens of thousands of potential jobs across all demographics.
Elite Enrichment vs. Broad Empowerment:
Critics from across the political spectrum—including labor unions and opposition parties— Note: B-BBEE has largely enriched a small, politically connected elite (often referred to in local discourse as "tenderpreneurs") while leaving the broader masses of unemployed or working-class South Africans economically marginalized. Fact: Less than 100 politically connected families in South Africa have benefited from this Racist Policy!
The Government's Position:
The state maintains that B-BBEE remains a moral and constitutional imperative designed to correct deep-seated structural wealth gaps engineered by decades of apartheid. Officials argue that true economic stability cannot be achieved while the vast majority of the population remains locked out of ownership and capital assets.
For citizens who built their lives and enterprises in South Africa over decades, the policy functions as an institutional reality that forces white entrepreneurs and workers to navigate severe market penalties, restricted access to state licensing, and systemic exclusion from government procurement.
Analyzing the net job losses and business closures since 1994 reveals a complex picture of structural economic shifts, demographic expansion, and the severe toll taken by regulatory and infrastructural failures.
Job Losses and Employment Dynamics Since 1994
When evaluating employment figures from 1994 to 2026, the data does not show a net loss of absolute numbers compared to 1994, but rather a massive structural deficit—meaning the economy has chronically failed to create enough jobs to keep pace with population growth, resulting in staggering levels of continuous unemployment.
The Baseline (1994):
According to historical Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) data utilized in government 25-year reviews, total formal and informal employment stood at approximately 8.9 million people in 1994, with an official unemployment rate hovering around 20% (though narrow definitions at the time omitted large segments of the population).
The Current Reality (2026):
Total employment has grown to roughly 16.7 million people. However, because the population and labor force have expanded much faster than the economy, the official unemployment rate sits at 33.6% (rising to over 43% when including discouraged work-seekers, and hitting nearly 46% under broad labor underutilization metrics). People are dying due to poverty and hunger!!!
The "Missing" Jobs Deficit:
Rather than a sudden, singular event of cumulative job losses from 1994, South Africa faces a continuous jobs deficit. Economists estimate that to achieve a healthy employment rate, the economy is short 8 to 11 million jobs relative to the National Development Plan targets required to absorb the working-age population. Hundreds of thousands of jobs are routinely wiped out during economic downturns, energy crises, and policy shocks, permanently trapping millions in long-term unemployment.
Business Closures (Especially Post-COVID-19)
The economic landscape for small, medium, and large enterprises (SMEs and corporations) has faced severe headwinds due to strict regulatory compliance, rigid labor laws, compounding infrastructure failures (such as load shedding and water shedding), and the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.
While exact historical tracking of every single micro-enterprise (informal spaza shops, independent sole proprietors) that has closed since 1994 is impossible, formal liquidations and insolvencies tracked by Stats SA outline the heavy toll:
Post-COVID-19 Surge in Liquidations:
The pandemic years (2020–2021) triggered an unprecedented wave of corporate distress. Since then, formal formal business liquidations (companies and close corporations winding up due to liabilities exceeding assets) have averaged between 2,500 and 2,900 per year.
Recent Formal Business Closures (2023–2026):
o 2023: 2,501 formal liquidations alongside 1,883 individual/partnership insolvencies (intensified by stage 6 rolling blackouts).
o 2024: 2,626 formal liquidations and a peak of 2,105 insolvencies.
o 2025: 2,904 formal liquidations and 1,606 insolvencies.
o 2026 (Year-to-Date): Over 1,601 formal liquidations and nearly 900 insolvencies have been recorded by mid-year, heavily impacting the finance, insurance, real estate, business services, and trade/hospitality sectors.
The Informal and SME Sector Bloodbath:
Formal liquidations only capture registered entities. Independent economic studies estimate that hundreds of thousands of survivalist SMEs and family-owned businesses—which form the backbone of South Africa's private sector—have permanently closed their doors since 2020 due to cash-flow blockages, crushing municipal rates, soaring electricity tariffs, and the compounding weight of preferential procurement regulations like B-BBEE that favor large, connected corporate entities over independent operators.
Analyzing the net job losses and business closures since 1994
Having done some Macro-research on the topic, what I found reveals a complex picture of structural economic shifts, demographic expansion, and the severe toll taken by regulatory and infrastructural failures.
When evaluating employment figures from 1994 to 2026, the data does not show a net loss of absolute numbers compared to 1994, but rather a massive structural deficit—meaning the economy has chronically failed to create enough jobs to keep pace with population growth, resulting in staggering levels of continuous unemployment.
The Baseline (1994):
According to historical Statistics South Africa (Stats SA) data utilized in government 25-year reviews, total formal and informal employment stood at approximately 8.9 million people in 1994, with an official unemployment rate hovering around 20% (though narrow definitions at the time omitted large segments of the population).
The Current Reality (2026):
Total employment has grown to roughly 16.7 million people. However, because the population and labour force have expanded much faster than the economy, the official (The ANC’s Official Stats) unemployment rate sits at 33.6% (rising to over 43% when including discouraged work-seekers, and hitting nearly 46% under broad labour underutilization metrics).
The "Missing" Jobs Deficit:
Rather than a sudden, singular event of cumulative job losses from 1994, South Africa faces a continuous jobs deficit. Economists estimate that to achieve a healthy employment rate, the economy is short 8 to 12 million jobs relative to the National Development Plan targets required to absorb the working-age population. Hundreds of thousands of jobs are routinely wiped out during economic downturns, energy crises, and bad policy implementation, permanently trapping millions in long-term unemployment.
Business Closures (Especially Post-COVID-19)
The economic landscape for small, medium, and large enterprises (SMEs and corporations) has faced severe headwinds due to strict regulatory compliance, rigid labour laws, compounding infrastructure failures (such as load shedding and water shedding), and the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.
While exact historical tracking of every single micro-enterprise (informal spaza shops, independent sole proprietors) that has closed since 1994 is impossible, formal liquidations and insolvencies tracked by Stats SA outline the heavy toll:
Post-COVID-19 Surge in Liquidations:
The pandemic years (2020–2021) triggered an unprecedented wave of corporate distress. Since then, formal business liquidations (companies and close corporations winding up due to liabilities exceeding assets) have averaged between 2,500 and 2,900 per year.
Recent Formal Business Closures (2023–2026):
o 2023: 2,501 formal liquidations alongside 1,883 individual/partnership insolvencies (intensified by stage 6 rolling blackouts).
o 2024: 2,626 formal liquidations and a peak of 2,105 insolvencies.
o 2025: 2,904 formal liquidations and 1,606 insolvencies.
o 2026 (Year-to-Date): Over 1,601 formal liquidations and nearly 900 insolvencies have been recorded by mid-year, heavily impacting the finance, insurance, real estate, business services, and trade/hospitality sectors.
The Informal and SME Sector Bloodbath:
Formal liquidations only capture registered entities. Independent economic studies estimate that hundreds of thousands of survivalist SMEs and family-owned businesses—which form the backbone of South Africa's private sector—have permanently closed their doors since 2020 due to cash-flow blockages, crushing municipal rates, soaring electricity tariffs, and the compounding weight of preferential procurement regulations like B-BBEE that favor large, connected corporate entities over independent operators.
So Mr “President”, I would love to get your feedback on this, but since you are Soooo busy trying to come up with more ways to steal (Even More) money from the SA citizens, I don’t suppose you would be bothered to take the time to respond?
It must be nice to be a political figure in the country that is worth many BILLIONS of Rands, and does not have to worry about where he is going to get his next meal from, or what he is going to do for his family when they get evicted out of his property because he CANNOT find a job?
Written by a disgruntled, frustrated and unemployed White person who wants to see change take place in South Africa before we turn into Zimbabwe 2.0
PLEASE SHARE THE SH!T OUT OF THIS POST...... We NEED the "President" to see what He has done to SA!
@MbalulaFikile Keep talking shit, Fokol. The more shit you talk, the less votes you get. #fokofffokol
Everyone should see this. Everything trump does in his administration is beginning to make a lot more sense...
Estonya’dan birisi bu YouTube kanalında SSCB döneminde Sovyet ve doğu blok ülkelerindeki caz, funk, disko, psikedelik, surf, swing, big band, elektronika albüm ve şarkılarını toplamış. Derya deniz bir arşiv.
https://t.co/Rd0GsIK7NG
Some rooms hear history. This one recorded it. The story of the Village Vanguard, NYC.
@MbalulaFikile Admit it, you’re a fraud. Quite possibly the most stupid and corrupt and incompetent politician on the planet. Do us all a big favour and resign. The truth will set you free. #voetsekFokol
Sod it, a little evening download for you all. One of the UK's finest, 34 years ago. Download at bottom of post:
This is Easygroove @ Evolution, Hull 1992
Believed to be August of 92, this is the original Technodredd with a blend of breaks, hardcore and early techno. Fast, frantic stomper. Hell of a thing. Tracklist in comments.
If you wish to support what I do: https://t.co/hA7cvrehEH
Download: https://t.co/jFKRpNKoZA
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