Γιώργο Καπουτζίδη ,σε ευχαριστούμε για όλα.
Όλοι εμείς που μας έδωσαν μια χαραμάδα για να ζήσουμε ,και εμείς ανοίξαμε τα παράθυρα για να μπορέσουμε να αναπνεύσουμε και καταφέραμε να επιβιώσουμε.Μας έδωσες φωνή και υπόσταση.
Ευχαριστούμε!!!
#serres
Όλοι μαζί να ευχηθούμε εγκάρδια στον αγαπητό κοντοχωριανό Χαλκιδαίο φίλο @tazmanolis για την αυριανή του ονομαστική εορτή !
Χρόνια πολλά Κόδρε μου, να χαίρεσαι το όνομα σου ! 💐🤗
@isa_pera_re λάθος πληροφορίες μας έδωσες, δεν τον λένε Κώστα τον άνθρωπο
Paolo Zampolli told Italian national television that he knew Epstein had very “young girls, minors, masseuses.”
Asked on RAI Report if he knew about Epstein’s “giri,” the Italian word for rings or rackets, not girlfriends, here is what he said:
“I knew he had the girls. I knew. But they weren’t mine, because they weren’t even models. They were young girls, minors, masseuses. The models were a cover-up for this Epstein.”
“Erano ragazzine, minorenni, massaggiatrici.” There are four admissions in one statement. He knew Epstein had girls. Not suspected. Not heard rumors. “Sapevo.” I knew.
He knew they were minors. He did not use “donne” or “ragazze.” He chose “ragazzine,” the Italian diminutive for very young girls, then clarified with “minorenni,” the legal term for under 18. He knew what they were there for.
“Massaggiatrici.” Masseuses. That is the exact euphemism in Palm Beach police reports, in the 2007 non-prosecution agreement, in the Maxwell trial. Anyone near Epstein’s operation knew what “massage” meant. By using the word, Zampolli confirms he did too.
He described the structure. “Le modelle erano un cover-up.” The models were a cover-up. You do not describe something as a cover-up unless you understand what was being covered.
“They weren’t mine” is doing a lot of work in that sentence. He wants the listener to hear: I ran a real agency, Epstein ran a trafficking operation, those are two separate things. But he just said the models were a cover-up for the minors. A cover-up requires something on top and something underneath. He is telling you he understood both layers.
One of his models, Adriana Mucinska, was named in Epstein’s 2007 non-prosecution agreement as one of the four women granted immunity as potential co-conspirators in the trafficking of minors.
Zampolli’s models were not a cover-up in the abstract. One of them was sitting inside the operation. He knew about the girls who were minors.
A retired lawyer in the U.S. was watching the news when he saw the story about the new Trump commemorative coin and something immediately didn't sit right with him.
So he did what lawyers do. He went digging...
And he found it. A federal law passed in 1866 that explicitly prohibits living people from appearing on U.S. currency. It's not a grey area. It's not open to interpretation. It's been sitting in the books for over 150 years.
The last time this actually happened was 1926 when a coin featuring Calvin Coolidge was minted while he was still alive and serving as president. The backlash was immediate. The coins were pulled. And the law was reaffirmed...
Now this retired lawyer has filed a federal lawsuit against the U.S. Mint not because of who is on the coin, but because the law says it simply cannot be done. Full stop...
No political agenda. No protest. Just one guy, a dusty legal statute, and a federal case that nobody in Washington apparently saw coming
Here’s everything you need to know about the Melania Trump / Epstein connection and what her friend of 20 years @AmandaUngaroA is alleging.
Please make sure you share this. They are trying to cover it up.
‼️Statement on the Orbán Government Accusing Me, an Investigative Journalist, of Espionage‼️
Today, the Hungarian government has filed a complaint against me for espionage. Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU member state. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes.
I have spent over a decade documenting how Russian spies and interests have penetrated Hungarian politics, so I am probably the least surprised by this.
Despite growing signs that the Hungarian government acts as a Kremlin ally and copies the Russian model, I still trust that parts of the Hungarian state—and the judiciary—follow the Hungarian constitution, not that of the Russian Federation.
I have never engaged in espionage. I see my work as journalistic counterintelligence—from exposing the hacking of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry by Russian actors to revealing the activities of Hungarian pro-Kremlin propagandists.
Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures.
If I were not a journalist, I could list many facts proving it is impossible for the Hungarian state to genuinely believe I am spying. Certain meetings, contacts, and information gathering could never have happened otherwise.
This baseless accusation now forces me to share details of a specific investigation, including a conversation with a confidential source that appears to have been wiretapped. Normally, this would appear in a finished article or my upcoming book—not here. (It will appear there as well.)
Since 2023, I have investigated whether the relationship between Péter Szijjártó and Russian officials exceeds legal limits. The published audio, where I’m heard talking to a source, mentions that communication between Szijjártó and Sergey Lavrov is recorded by EU intelligence services. Less attention has gone to my point that this relationship raises strong suspicion of political intelligence activity and influence operations in Russia’s interest.
These are serious claims and hard to prove. As a journalist, I cannot force anyone to speak or hand over documents. That is why gathering this information has taken so long—and why I spoke to that sensitive source (while the conversation was secretly recorded).
Serious claims require serious evidence, and I believe I have gathered some. I have not engaged in espionage.
I have not cooperated with any foreign intelligence service in surveilling Szijjártó. Instead, I tried to verify earlier fragments of information about Szijjártó–Lavrov communication.
I sought to identify the channels and phone numbers used, and whether a secret channel—possibly used by Russian intelligence—exists. In other words, whether Szijjártó uses a hidden device or number unknown even within the Hungarian Foreign Ministry.
This was only one part of my research. The other, more serious topic is this:
Since at least 2016–2017, EU and NATO intelligence services have had indications that large amounts of cash and precious stones may have been transported from Russia on Hungarian government aircraft or private jets used by government figures. Officials from at least six countries made such claims to me.
These signals did not come from monitoring Hungarian targets, but, for example, from intercepting Russian officials discussing or preparing such shipments.
Alongside Szijjártó–Lavrov communication, I examined how baggage screening and handling works on such flights, which officials travel with what luggage, whether more packages arrive from Moscow than depart, and how such shipments could be handled discreetly.
I know how serious this is, and I would not have written even this much—but since I do not know what else may be taken from the edited recording, or what fabricated accusations (like, for example, that I was seeking such details to commit terrorism) may follow, I believe I must share this now.
Why do I investigate all this?
According to many sources familiar with the Hungarian state and counterintelligence, there is no independent body in the Orbán system able to investigate or act if a senior official is suspected of espionage.
Government members direct intelligence services and set expectations. The services lack both tools and authority to investigate a government member.
I knew this would be difficult when I chose to pursue it. But few people in Hungary can or dare to do this, so I felt it was my duty.
We have now reached the point where the Orbán government—of which Szijjártó is still a member—aware of my reporting plans and the risk they pose, has preemptively accused me of espionage.
I am a Hungarian patriot. I serve the public. As an investigative journalist, my job is to hold power accountable. Neither political theater nor legal threats will deter me.
Το βίντεο αναφέρεται στις καταγγελίες για σεξουαλική καταπίεση που τον είχαν καταγγείλει.Οι οικονομικές ατασθαλίες ,το ότι δεν είχε ποτέ δημοσιεύσει ισολογισμούς ως όφειλε,το ότι βρέθηκαν δωρεές σε ατομικούς λογαρασμούς του ,και εκαντοντάδες χιλιάδες ευρώ στο σπίτι του ,το θεωρείται σαν άδικη δίωξη,
Αθωώθηκε από μία κατηγορία για σεξουαλική παρενόχληση ,όταν ο νεαρός που τον κατηγορούσε απέσυρε τις κατηγορίες.Οι κακουργηματικές κατηγορίες για την οικονομική διαχείρηση της κιβωτού ,παραμένουν και η δίκη δεν έχει ξεκινήσει.Μην δημιουργείτε λάθος εντυπώσεις ,μιλώντας για πλήρη αθώωση.
Η Ελλάδα αποπλήρωσε νωρίτερα δανειακές υποχρεώσεις της ύψους 5.29 δις κάτι που θα της αποφέρει όφελος 1.6 δις.Και τι λέει η αντιπολίτευση για αυτό;
Ότι θα έπρεπε τα χρήματα να δοθούν σε επιδόματα.
#χωρα_ηλιθιων#Ελλάδα#δανεια
@dorastroubouki @zoezoe0192 @A8eonoa Θα είναι σαν το διεθνές ένταλμα σύλληψης της Ιντερπόλ, και του fbi ?
Αλήθεια τι έγινε με αυτό ? Ακόμα να συλληφθεί?
Ξύπνησαν πάλι τα λοβοτομημένα ορκς του φαν κλαμπ Παντελιδη μαζί με το άλλο το κοράκι το κίτρινο που το παίζει δημοσιογράφος (γελάει ο κόσμος) και στοχοποιούν τις κοπέλες που ήταν στο δυστύχημα πριν 10 χρόνια. Έχει ντραπεί και η ντροπή πλέον. Σιχάματα!!!