ibtlj.eth

MD 👩🏾‍⚕️| I am my mothers' daughter. In my head, I'm a better dancer than you are! Writing is solace. | IG: @iibeez

•photography - IG | @hueandib

#EndSARS

[ibtlj.eth @designerkath]

"Also remember that we do not abandon the business of living life because of what people do to us." 💜

[🦐 Shrimb @shrimplify]

I was actually taught several solutions to this by a behavioral therapist lmao

[The Port Harcourt Book Club @ThePhbc]

Happy Children's Day!

[The Port Harcourt Book Club @ThePhbc]

The Future is Now

One of the best ways to prepare children for the future is through reading. Books help children imagine, learn, grow, and dream bigger.
A child who reads is a child ready for the future.

Happy Children’s Day!

[Chief Nwachinemelu 👑 @odogwu_ogidi]

The first thing that will happen once Peter Obi enters Aso Rock next year is, the ministries will go on a strike against him for trying to sanitise and digitise the system, and closing every loophole.

The National Assembly will threaten him with impeachment proceedings, if he doesn’t revert back to the old system.

The Lagos-Ibadan media will instigate national protests, be on CNN with Amanpour to analyse how weak and wicked he is.
Seun Okinbaloye will be bending neck like Turkey to ask “tough” questions he couldn’t ask current APC government.

At the end of the day, the system will be sanitised and the criminals will be dealt with decisively.

He has done it before in Anambra state, he will do it again at the national level. Go and verify.

Peter Obi is coming!

[Aburo Beyonsssss in LEVII'S JEANS🔥🔥🔥 @_thelulustreet]

@lydiaonxx The taste is even in breast milk. Every woman’s breast milk tastes different due to diet, imagine eating pepper soup and okra with semo while pregnant and breastfeeding, you now wake up one day and blend broccoli for the baby. If Na me too, I no go chop because why you whine me?

[Lydia 🌼 @lydiaonxx]

There’s something with naija babies and their love for swallow and soup.

My sis in the Netherlands had her son there and this boy didn’t come to naija till he was 8months old.

According to her he was such a picky eater with all the foods she’d tried to give him.

Only for his grandma to carry him and feed him garri with okro and the boy was eating like no man’s business.

My sis was so shocked, she almost cried because she had been feeling bad for him, he’s been living on milk and avocado puree for so long.

We were all laughing because the aggression he was using to eat the garri was obvious he hadn’t enjoyed food in a while.

[Typical African @Joe__Bassey]

Here is what an elephant herd looks like in Tsavo, Kenya in the 1950s.

[Tommy Siegel @TommySiegel]

perhaps my favorite New Yorker reject of the year so far

[Éternel optimiste🇸🇳 @Thiamousmanee]

Ce que beaucoup d’anglophones ne comprennent toujours pas, c’est que cette crise n’a jamais été simplement l’histoire de “deux hommes ambitieux qui se disputent le pouvoir”. C’est avant tout une question de légitimité politique, de fidélité idéologique et d’un vieux problème africain : lorsqu’un mouvement de rupture arrive au pouvoir, transforme-t-il réellement le système ou finit-il absorbé par lui ? Diomaye n’était pas, avant mars 2024, une figure politique indépendante capable de gagner seule une présidentielle. Sa légitimité venait presque entièrement du combat de Sonko, de sa persécution judiciaire, de son emprisonnement et du capital politique construit autour de lui pendant des années. “Diomaye mooy Sonko” n’était pas un simple slogan de campagne : c’était le socle même de sa victoire. Des millions de Sénégalais n’ont pas voté pour Diomaye comme homme providentiel ; ils ont voté pour la continuité du projet porté par Sonko après l’exclusion de ce dernier de l’élection. 1/4

[Éternel optimiste🇸🇳 @Thiamousmanee]

Et c’est précisément là que la contradiction est née. Une fois au pouvoir, Diomaye a progressivement commencé à agir comme si le mandat appartenait désormais à sa personne et non au projet politique collectif qui l’avait porté. Or on ne peut pas faire campagne en se présentant comme l’incarnation d’un mouvement, puis gouverner ensuite comme si ce mouvement devenait secondaire. La rupture était inévitable. Le conflit autour du FMI a révélé cette contradiction de manière brutale. Beaucoup de commentaires occidentaux présentent Sonko comme “irrationnel” ou “extrémiste” parce qu’il refusait certaines mesures d’austérité et la soumission rapide aux exigences des créanciers internationaux. Pourtant, les peuples africains connaissent ce scénario depuis des décennies : crise économique, intervention du FMI, réduction des subventions, hausse du carburant, baisse du pouvoir d’achat… puis on demande aux populations de “faire des sacrifices” pendant que les élites restent protégées. 2/4

[Éternel optimiste🇸🇳 @Thiamousmanee]

Sonko avait compris une chose essentielle : lorsqu’un État abandonne totalement sa souveraineté économique aux marchés financiers et aux institutions internationales, le mandat démocratique finit par passer après les exigences des créanciers. Ce que certains appellent “pragmatisme” ressemble souvent, vu d’Afrique, à une manière élégante de recycler la dépendance. Réduire sa position à du “populisme” est donc intellectuellement paresseux. Refuser des politiques qui aggraveraient directement les conditions de vie de millions de personnes n’est pas de l’extrémisme. C’est aussi une ligne politique. Et on pourrait même dire que la véritable trahison consiste à abandonner ses promesses une fois installé dans le confort du pouvoir.
C’est là que la question de la dignité devient centrale. Beaucoup de Sénégalais ne voient pas Sonko comme un simple politicien. Ils voient un homme qui a subi prison, harcèlement judiciaire, diabolisation médiatique et exclusion politique sans renoncer au discours qui lui avait donné sa force populaire. Pendant ce temps, Diomaye est progressivement apparu comme quelqu’un qui s’adaptait de plus en plus au confort institutionnel du pouvoir et à la respectabilité internationale. 3/4

[Éternel optimiste🇸🇳 @Thiamousmanee]

Le paradoxe tragique pour Diomaye est qu’il possède peut-être le pouvoir constitutionnel, mais Sonko conserve encore une grande partie de la légitimité symbolique et émotionnelle auprès du peuple. Or en politique, la légitimité symbolique peut devenir plus puissante que les institutions elles-mêmes. L’histoire africaine est remplie de dirigeants qui contrôlaient l’appareil d’État mais avaient déjà perdu le lien moral avec leur population. C’est pourquoi limoger Sonko peut satisfaire une logique institutionnelle à court terme, mais politiquement cela risque surtout de confirmer ce que beaucoup craignaient déjà : que la promesse de rupture portée par le PASTEF soit lentement neutralisée de l’intérieur.
Ce n’est donc plus seulement un conflit entre un président et son Premier ministre. C’est désormais une bataille pour savoir qui incarne réellement l’esprit originel de la rupture politique sénégalaise. 4/4

[Judicaelle Irakoze @Judicaelle_]

I see so many anglophones misinformed on what's happening in Senegal. What happened today as Sonko being fired from his role as Prime minister, was very predictable but let's go back to the past 2 years.

On April 2nd , 2024, President Faye became President of Senegal, endorsed by PASTEF even though he wasn't the party's first choice. If Sonko had been legally allowed to run, Faye would almost certainly not be president today, Sonko would be. But Sonko was unqualified as he had a criminal conviction.

For Diomaye Faye to even win presidential elections, there was a famous campaign slogan "Diomaye mooy Sonko" ("Diomaye is Sonko") effectively telling voters: "If you want Sonko, vote for Faye." The voters completely bought into this logic, handing Faye a massive first-round victory purely on the back of Sonko’s political capital and popularity.

The partnership between President Faye and Sonko did not collapse overnight. Instead, it eroded over two years under the weight of an unworkable power dynamic, policy disagreements, and a battle for the political future of Senegal as they claim.

Three main issues led to what happened today:

1. Power dynamics: As time went on, Sonko continued to act like the true boss of the political movement in Senegal, publicly declaring that the presidency belonged to the party's collective vision rather than one man. Meanwhile, Faye naturally grew into his executive role, as the commander in chief.

2. The IMF Debt Conflict: The absolute breaking point was how to handle Senegal's severe economic crisis. When Faye's government took office, they discovered the previous regime had hidden billions in debt, causing the IMF to freeze a $1.8 billion loan program.

As a hardcore populist, Sonko rejected the IMF’s demands to restructure Senegal’s $13 billion debt and adopt austerity measures, terrifying international bond markets.

Facing a declining economy, Faye and his Finance Minister, Cheikh Diba, favored a pragmatic approach to appease international lenders and unfreeze the funds.

3. Domestic fuel prices: With national debt increasing each day, Finance Minister Diba warned that the country's massive energy subsidies were on track to overrun the budget by $2 billion. ​The Finance Ministry urgently requested a domestic fuel price hike to plug the budget gap and satisfy the IMF. Sonko flatly refused, blocking Faye's economic team and bringing governance to a standstill.

By late 2025 and early 2026, ​their rivalry had spilled into open political war as both men began preparing for upcoming elections.

In late 2025, Faye appointed a close ally, to lead his ruling coalition, deliberately bypassing Sonko’s loyalists to dilute PASTEF's control over his presidency. He then launched the Diomaye Président movement, aggressively building out a nationwide political machine loyal directly to him, not the party. Sonko retaliated by issuing an extraordinary public warning, stating that if Faye continued to diverge from the party’s original radical vision, PASTEF would withdraw from the government entirely and force Faye into a difficult cohabitation.

By May 2026, the relationship had completely deteriorated. In a televised address, Faye openly warned that the ruling party was on a path to collapse due to personal ambitions rather than the country ideals. He pointedly reminded the public that he held the sole constitutional right to dismiss his prime minister, stating: "The day I am no longer satisfied, I will put Senegal's interests first.

And today couple weeks into May, President Faye has just fired his Prime Minister.

It's about to be a long year for Senegal.

[YT: Kiwifruit_Neo @Kiwifruit_neo]

I tagged the lady who did my hair on my IG post and the salon. 🫶🏾
https://t.co/DfGArYAzOA

[Frank @frankonX_]

West Africans were goated ivory carvers but the bronze and terracotta artworks gets most of spotlight.

Some superb pieces made by artists who their names (sadly) will never be known.

[No filter Skin @NoFilterSkin]

One thing nobody tells you about adulthood is how fun it is to become your own person. One day you randomly start liking jazz, olive green, expensive dark chocolate, documentaries about volcanoes, weird lamps, sparkling water, books about loneliness in Tokyo, silver jewelry and quiet cafés. Your personality keeps unfolding forever if you let it.

[Kwame Gonzalez🇲🇽 @Oskwamzz]

If you follow this story from 2024 you’ll realize this should be a movie on Netflix 😂😂😂. Below is the full story.

Meet Ousmane Sonko. He is a firebrand, anti-establishment, pan-Africanist politician, and the absolute darling of Senegal’s youth. Everyone wanted him to be…

[PokingReality @pokingreality]

@Koriumaa Nature's not performing 'tree' or 'river', but it's still being exactly what it is.

The healing happens when you drop the performance of being a person and just be what you already are.

[ༀ Koriuma @Koriumaa]

The reason nature heals people is because nothing in nature is performing an identity.

[Henry Ugo 🦅 @Jedi_Ugo]

@Xtopherewesi Nice argument.
But if you ask any random Nigerian, they tell you Chioma Ajunwa.