@EscobarChim Your data on drop out rates are just made up and have no reliable statistical basis. The scaling up of this programme which has been around for decades has drastically improved, but to ignore the challenges in its consistency in some schools is just deceptive and diabolical.
@znbctoday A whole delegation of senior government officials from Lusaka consuming per Diem and other travel allowances just to go and inspect a gravesite? Why not travel there a day before burial and let the Chipata Provincial senior officials do this ground work???
@sweetjay_15135@Mike42726245 Oh my… This is what happens when you bury your head in the sand (of Mongu) over reality. Call Iris or the incumbent who is contesting that side to school you about the saline underground water challenges in that district. You are letting free education down Ba SweetJay!
@sweetjay_15135@Mike42726245 Because to you salty water which the people of Mwandi are drinking is unprecedented development? Those discarded wooden tops you call desks are a disgrace and hazard to the children of that kingdom!
@sweetjay_15135@Mike42726245 Stop sensationalising development. Mongu does not constitute the whole Western Province. I was in Sankolonga just 2 days ago; in Magumwi, Mushukula last week. Even travelled on that hell run Kazungula-Sesheke Road.
@musiChitakunye@Mike42726245 Which universally acceptable measure for quality of life did you use to arrive at this conclusion? Give us some reliable data regarding conditions of living which have been improved in Zambia between 2021 and 2026.
@sweetjay_15135@Mike42726245 They have lifted the face of the what??? Just say they have put make up and lipstick on the face of the province. That cosmetic make up of classroom and ablution blocks without clean and safe drinking water is a drop in the ocean of Mwandi, Mulobezi, Nalolo, Lukulu etc.
@EmeritusPriest@Joe_Kafuba_MD Got greedy and flew too close to the Sun. Substituted from the game by his ex staff running Z/Magic, Prime, Diamond etc. Hand got bit by the talent he fed leftovers. The court battles with the wife & flimsy politics bout to nail his coffin! He got assets though.
@ChairmanMweemba@Joe_Kafuba_MD They still exist. In ‘off’ mode mostly. He made a good buck off rural c/servants circa 2015-‘19. He lost a lotta talent; service got poor. Subcribers switched. His main foreign content plugs, AZAM, are now setting up shop in Zed.
@Joe_Kafuba_MD Shadow of its former self. Survives online without film content or adverts. STBs are gathering dust in rural areas. Talent made that brand till the owner got selfish; they all disappeared around ‘em… along with his Cinema & S’vonga resort. People substituted long ago.
@FMwenge You have reinforced a thought I kept to myself the other day on how the ongoing F1 (in RB regime’s tone) roadworks in Lusaka City are elitist in location and scope.
Say what you will about Sishuwa Sishuwa. He can be alarmist. The title of this piece is a case in point, and he says as much. His preamble is a legal insurance policy against the Cyber Crimes Act No. 4 of 2025, enacted by the current administration to replace the PF-era legislation. Section 24(1)(b) classifies incitement of divisions as terrorism, punishable by life imprisonment. The Journal of Democracy assessed the replacement: the overreach was deepened.
Set the title aside and read the substance. The administrative events he documents are verifiable. The question Canary Compass raises is different.
Most independent observers, pressed privately, will acknowledge what is visible. The democratic space in Zambia has narrowed. It narrowed under the Patriotic Front. It has narrowed again under a president who entered office as a reformer. Does the consolidation of executive authority reflect institutional defensiveness carried from the transition, or a governance preference that was always present? The evidence favours the latter.
For those of us who are independent, who hold no party membership and seek no office, the tension is real. We were relieved when the president ascended in 2021. Zambia was deteriorating at speed. Fiscal indiscipline under the Patriotic Front was the policy. The sovereign default followed. That is the lost decade, concentrated between 2015 and 2021.
At macro level, gains are worth naming. The IMF Extended Credit Facility was completed after six reviews. Debt restructuring covers 94 per cent of the perimeter. Reserves stand at USD6.4bn. Inflation returned to the BoZ target band. There are also fiscal concerns. The government chose not to extend the ECF, opting to negotiate a successor arrangement after August. No quantitative performance criteria bind the fiscal authorities in the interim. The IMF projects the primary surplus falling from 3.1 per cent of GDP in 2025 to 1.1 per cent in 2026, driven by election expenditure pressures and weaker mining output. Canary Compass flagged this risk in January.
At micro level, growth has not reached households. The August ballot will be decided by people who carry the cost of living daily.
The structural question is whether a country can build durable economic architecture while the foundations of political competition are narrowed through administrative instruments. If those instruments compromise the credibility of the process, they risk undermining the investor confidence the programme depends on. That is a structural risk.
The opposition does not resolve the tension. The field is fragmented, not consolidated under a single banner.
On mandate. In 2021, Zambia recorded turnout of 70.61 per cent, the highest since 1991, a 14 percentage point surge above 2016. That was a change election. The electorate turned out to reject a trajectory. The country was in sovereign default. The margin of nearly one million votes left no ambiguity.
The president now faces a different test as incumbent, with a weaker opposition and several parties excluded through the mechanisms Sishuwa documents. A strong turnout strengthens his claim to endorsement. It signals that Zambians assessed the record and affirmed it. A high-participation election under competitive conditions is the most credible mandate available.
Sishuwa's 1997 parallel is historically accurate but analytically thin. The ringleader was found in a refuse bin. It does not meet the standard required for predicting instability in 2026.
Sishuwa resolves the democracy question and calls for the president's removal. That is his right. His documentation of the mechanisms is rigorous and worth reading wherever you stand.
Canary Compass does not resolve it. We do not endorse candidates. We observe that the tension between economic gains and democratic practice is real, measurable, and will define how this election is assessed by the institutions whose confidence Zambia cannot afford to lose.