Frickl

just frickling..

[Frickl @frickl]

🧵Prediction: #Bitcoin will not be adopted by masses. Taproot, vBytes, redeem_script, CoinJoin, MultiSig, UTXO, Lightning ..this reminds me of PGP. Useful and valuable, but never be accepted by "normal people". BTC will end the same way - and will lose value therefore. I (1/4)

[Frickl @frickl]

@echo_pbreyer

[Peter Girnus 🦅 @gothburz]

I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.

There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good.

I know. I know. I think about it on the tram.

We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle.

It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species.

Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate.

287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself.

We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it.

Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name.

A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog.

And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters.

People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all.

So who did we give it to?

An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us.

She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown.

The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him.

Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept.

It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall.

But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for.

That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it.

We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was.

He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him.

Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.

[Frickl @frickl]

@CyberRacheal And how do you find the DNS Server without ARP?

[Toxic Cowboy 🤠 @toxiccowboy02]

One of the best I've seen so far 😜

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@Bernd_Kaiser_BD und was hat das mit Erneuerbaren zu tun? Wäre dort ein Atomkraftwerk müsste das auch zusehen, wie es seinen Strom losbekommt.

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@FlorianGallwitz

[BLABBERMOUTH.NET @BLABBERMOUTHNET]

MOTÖRHEAD Guitarist PHIL CAMPBELL Died From Multi-Organ Failure https://t.co/SRXkIF6eDf

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@Coin_Tracking @SatoshistoreDE dabei ist der Einstandspreis für die Einstufung als Altbestand komplett egal. Die Blockchain sollte als Beweis komplett reichen. Falls nicht, sollte man das vielleicht doch von einem Gericht klären lassen.

[Bitcoin Bote @bitcoinbote]

160 Millionen für eine Zukunftsindustrie - der schlechteste Deal des Jahres

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Am 14. Oktober befasst sich das Bundeskabinett mit der Abschaffung der einjährige Haltefrist für #Bitcoin. Für Bitcoin, die ab dem 1. Januar 2027 gekauft werden, wären Gewinne dann unabhängig von der Haltedauer mit 26,375 % zu versteuern.

Es folgt eine sachliche Kosten- / Nutzenanalyse, die jeder anstellen sollte, der über dieses Gesetz und damit über unser Land entscheidet:

𝐃𝐢𝐞 𝐄𝐢𝐧𝐧𝐚𝐡𝐦𝐞𝐧: Das Finanzministerium recht mit Steuereinnahmen i.H.v. 160 Mio. EUR in 2028, bis 2031 mit 350 Mio. EUR.

𝐃𝐢𝐞 𝐊𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐧:

𝐕𝐞𝐫𝐰𝐚𝐥𝐭𝐮𝐧𝐠𝐬𝐤𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐧: Beim Erfüllungsaufwand für Bürger, Wirtschaft und Verwaltung steht im Entwurf bis heute nur „folgt“. Es wird also eine Steuer geplant, ohne zu wissen, was ihre Erhebung kostet.

𝐎𝐩𝐩𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐭ä𝐭𝐬𝐤𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐧: DIW-Präsident Marcel Fratzscher begründet höhere Immobiliensteuern sinngemäß damit, dass "Immobilien nicht ins Ausland abwandern können". Für Bitcoin gilt das Gegenteil: Es gibt kaum ein mobileres Vermögen.

Wer Bitcoin verkauft, will in aller Regel konsumieren. Die Frage ist nur, wo. Angenommen, aufgebaute Krypto-Bestände im Wert von 40 Mrd. € werden nicht in Deutschland ausgegeben, sondern nach einem Wegzug im Ausland. Dann fehlen dem Staat bei 19 % Umsatzsteuer rund 6,4 Mrd. € allein an Umsatzsteuer.

𝐃𝐞𝐫 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐥𝐮𝐬𝐭: Die Bitcoin Branche ist mobil und entscheidet sich für den Standort mit den verlässlichsten Rahmenbedingungen. Beispiel: Das Crypto Valley Zug zählt heute über 1.700 Blockchain-Unternehmen.

Zug hat die niedrigsten Steuersätze der Schweiz und nimmt aber so viele Steuern ein, dass es nicht weiß, wohin mit dem Geld. 2025 lag der Überschuss bei 429 Mio. Franken. 2026 und 2027 übernimmt Zug deshalb nahezu die kompletten Spitalkosten seiner Einwohner. Inzwischen hat der Kanton sogar einen Steuerrabatt eingeführt, über den Überschüsse an die Bürger zurückfließen.

Deutschland hatte mit der Haltefrist einen echten Wettbewerbsvorteil, in einer Technologie, bei der wir nicht schon wieder hinterherlaufen müssten. Die richtige Frage ist deshalb nicht nur, was wir verlieren, sondern auch was wir hätten gewinnen können, wenn wir uns bewusst als Standort positioniert hätten. Unternehmen, Arbeitsplätze, Steuerzahler und Know-how, die stattdessen woanders entstehen.

𝐅𝐚𝐳𝐢𝐭:

Auf der Habenseite stehen 160 Mio. EUR. Zur Einordnung: die Sanierung der Gorch Fock hat 135 Mio. EUR gekostet.

Auf der Sollseite stehen unbezifferte Verwaltungskosten, neue Bürokratie für 9 Millionen Krypto-Nutzer (und Wähler!), abwanderndes Kapital, entgangener Konsum, Vertrauensverlust und eine Zukunftsindustrie, die woanders wächst. In Zahlen: ein Schaden in Milliarden-Höhe.

Jeder Volksvertreter der für diese Steuer abstimmt, muss ich gewiss sein, dass er irrational handelt und damit Deutschland vorsätzlich schadet (und gegen das Interesse von 9 Mio. Wählern handelt).

[Frickl @frickl]

@FernetBuehler

[Frickl @frickl]

@Web3thinkT5535 der Einstandspreis ist völlig egal für die Haltefrist.
Zumal Bitcoin nicht nur von Börsen erworben werden können - privat-Verkauf, mining, vererbt, Wörter "gefunden" ..

[Frickl @frickl]

Laut Analyse von ChatGPT handelt es sich wohl um den Hack der GVV-Hausverwaltungs GmbH - von Rhysida wohl fälschlicherweise als "Hack der Landeshauptstadt Stuttgart" zugeordnet. Scheinen die Hacker sich geirrt zu haben.

[Frickl @frickl]

Ist eigentlich bekannt, daß Stuttgart ebenfalls von Rhysida erpresst wurde? #rhysida

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Stuttgart-files haben übrigens nur 5 BTC gekostet. Waren auch deutlich weniger Daten.

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das hier ist der "Part2" (von 3) Katalog der Berliner Daten.

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rhysida - Ungarn gibt es schon für 20 BTC ..:/

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@fiatphoenix Beleihen OK..aber von welchem Geld zahlst du den Kredit zurück? Wär ja blöd, wenn man dafür BTC verkaufen müsste..

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@moritzkoerner Da die Verschlüsselung (Ende-zu-Ende) genau wie Transportverschlüsselung erst nach (!) dem Eintippen der Nachricht in den Messenger stattfindet, kann die Chatkontrolle also dennoch alle (!) Nachrichten legal analysieren.