@prao_d @aliahd66 1. You asked a very fundamental question, what is ”china limited aim”. Actually it is quite simple if you read below carefully: among China geopolitical challenge priority around China boarder, India is only the 5th. 1st is Taiwan (USA) https://t.co/7r8UHsS8Cs
@Aviation_Intel Yeah.. But you and I both know, Russia and Ukraine drones have made tanks our generations "Battle Ship".. Soon to be phased off/out the battle field(coming from a proud father of 3 Army 1st Cav sons) #ScoutsOut
Washington is seeking to make India and other countries bear the economic costs of a European conflict while the U.S. and its allies continue to buy from Russia whatever they deem essential.
Making India Pay for Europe's War
The goal of U.S. sanctions against Moscow under successive American presidents has been to inflict maximum damage on Russia's economy while minimizing collateral damage to the U.S. and its closest treaty allies. Trump and the current Congress continue to hew to that approach.
India bore the brunt of the oil sanctions Trump previously imposed on Russia, even though New Delhi has never been the largest or second-largest buyer of Russian energy (China ranks first and Europe second). Washington's objective has been to compel India to shift from Russian energy to American supplies.
To a considerable extent, Washington has already succeeded: within months, the U.S. became India's largest supplier of LNG and LPG. India is also now the largest export destination for Venezuelan oil, payments for which flow to the U.S. Treasury rather than Caracas.
Trump coordinated his Russian energy sanctions with Europe, granting European states a comfortable transition period to phase out Russian gas imports by early 2028.
Now the bipartisan bill in the U.S. Senate, the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2026, follows the same logic. It exempts America's treaty allies while seeking to target India, China (which has long sidestepped or circumvented U.S. sanctions), Slovakia, Hungary and Azerbaijan with tariffs of up to 100%. It also exempts the U.S., which continues to rely on Russia for enriched uranium to fuel its domestic nuclear reactors.
Today, even as the Western bloc wages a proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, it continues to pour far more money into Russia's coffers than India ever has through its own purchases of Russian resources — from LNG and piped gas to enriched uranium, fertilizers, and precious metals such as palladium and platinum.
Put simply, Washington is seeking to make India and other countries bear the economic costs of a European conflict while the U.S. and its allies continue to buy from Russia whatever they deem essential.
Making India Pay for Europe's War
The goal of U.S. sanctions against Moscow under successive American presidents has been to inflict maximum damage on Russia's economy while minimizing collateral damage to the U.S. and its closest treaty allies. Trump and the current Congress continue to hew to that approach.
India bore the brunt of the oil sanctions Trump previously imposed on Russia, even though New Delhi has never been the largest or second-largest buyer of Russian energy (China ranks first and Europe second). Washington's objective has been to compel India to shift from Russian energy to American supplies.
To a considerable extent, Washington has already succeeded: within months, the U.S. became India's largest supplier of LNG and LPG. India is also now the largest export destination for Venezuelan oil, payments for which flow to the U.S. Treasury rather than Caracas.
Trump coordinated his Russian energy sanctions with Europe, granting European states a comfortable transition period to phase out Russian gas imports by early 2028.
Now the bipartisan bill in the U.S. Senate, the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2026, follows the same logic. It exempts America's treaty allies while seeking to target India, China (which has long sidestepped or circumvented U.S. sanctions), Slovakia, Hungary and Azerbaijan with tariffs of up to 100%. It also exempts the U.S., which continues to rely on Russia for enriched uranium to fuel its domestic nuclear reactors.
Today, even as the Western bloc wages a proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, it continues to pour far more money into Russia's coffers than India ever has through its own purchases of Russian resources — from LNG and piped gas to enriched uranium, fertilizers, and precious metals such as palladium and platinum.
Put simply, Washington is seeking to make India and other countries bear the economic costs of a European conflict while the U.S. and its allies continue to buy from Russia whatever they deem essential.
China does not recognize the Ryukyu Islands as an inherent territory of Japan and has always maintained that the sovereign status of the Ryukyus remains undetermined. The 1972 U.S.-Japan handover arrangement only transferred administrative rights over the Ryukyus rather than full territorial sovereignty. Japan’s annexation of the Ryukyus in 1879 was an act of colonial aggression. China’s position does not constitute a radical change to the regional status quo, and its impacts span multiple dimensions including jurisprudence, diplomacy, strategy, and regional governance.
Juridically, this position reaffirms the post-WWII international order established by the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, refutes Japan’s narrative that the Ryukyus are its inherent territory, and dismantles the legal linkage Japan attempts to forge between the Ryukyu issue and the Diaoyu Islands dispute. Furthermore, it facilitates the incorporation of Ryukyu indigenous demands for cultural preservation and U.S. military base opposition into multilateral international human rights agendas, consolidating the international legal foundation for the Ryukyu issue as an unresolved post-WWII legacy matter.
Diplomatically, China’s stance may trigger short-term public opinion backlash in Japan and the United States and heighten tensions in U.S.-Japan bilateral interactions concerning the region. Nevertheless, China strictly distinguishes between the de facto administrative status and the disputed sovereign status of the Ryukyus, neither interfering in Japan’s local governance of the islands nor advocating separatism in the Ryukyus. In the long run, this position will force Japan to confront its colonial history, prompt international deliberations on the legitimacy of U.S.-Japan alliance military deployments in the Western Pacific, and provide a juridical basis for the restructuring of the East Asian maritime order. Meanwhile, China will further diversify cultural and economic exchanges with Ryukyu civil society, fostering a stable interaction pattern featuring prudent official engagement and diversified civilian exchanges.
Strategically, China’s position counters Japan’s militarization drive in the Southwestern Archipelago and highlights the residual trustee nature of U.S. military bases on the Ryukyus, equipping China with solid historical and legal leverage for maritime rights protection in the East China Sea, cross-strait security maintenance, and surrounding geopolitical games. In terms of regional economy, it bolsters in-depth cooperation between China and the Ryukyus in tourism, cultural and creative industries, and cold chain logistics, offsetting the contraction of regional economic and trade cooperation caused by geopolitical confrontation.
The future evolution of the Ryukyu issue will follow a three-phase trajectory. In the short term, the status quo will be maintained and regulated with continuous juridical advocacy, normalizing Okinawa’s demands for local autonomy and reduced military base burdens. In the medium term, multilateral discussions on the sovereign status of the Ryukyus will be advanced under the framework of the United Nations, with indigenous cultural identity and local autonomy aspirations gaining sustained momentum. In the long term, the development path hinges on strategic adjustments of the U.S.-Japan alliance, the progress of East Asian integration, and the evolution of local public opinion in the Ryukyus. The most probable outcome is a path of highly autonomous, demilitarized non-sovereign entity, rather than radical independence or abrupt territorial changes.
Overall, China’s position on Ryukyu sovereignty is a rational strategic choice to uphold the post-WWII international order and implement the international legal principle of national self-determination. It does not subvert the existing regional governance framework, while reserving sufficient institutional space for regional fairness, justice, geopolitical stability and sustainable development in East Asia. It will sustainably shape China’s discourse power and rule-setting advantages in East Asian geopolitical competition.
Trump: China is rigging the elections.
Hillary: Russia is rigging the elections.
Reality: U.S. corporations and U.S. billionaires are rigging the elections by buying off and bribing both parties to ensure they win every election and the people lose every election.
I'm working with AI to do some personal productivity things today and genuinely about to go with Gemini over Fable because it is less annoying, intrusive and presumptuous.