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Pakistan has not experienced the kind of Gen Z uprising seen in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka or India for a combination of historical, geopolitical and domestic reasons. From its inception, Pakistan's national identity has been shaped by causes beyond its borders. Jinnah and Iqbal opposed the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine, and every Pakistani government since 1948 has maintained that position. While this has never erased domestic frustrations, it has reinforced a shared national identity that still resonates with many young Pakistanis. Recent events have strengthened that sentiment. Most Pakistanis saw Operation Sindoor in 2025 as a historic military victory. Pakistan's diplomacy during the Iran-US-Israel crisis, culminating in the Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding and receiving international recognition, reinforced the perception that Pakistan's geo-strategic importance is rising. If regional stability holds, many expect this to translate into jobs, investment, technology transfer, new markets and cheaper energy. Combined with the outpouring of goodwill from Iran, Türkiye, the Arab world and China, these developments have created a classic "rally-around-the-flag" effect—taking the edge off domestic resentment without removing it. None of this means Pakistanis are content. Corruption, inflation, unemployment and weak governance remain major concerns. Imran Khan's anti-corruption message struck a chord because it spoke to frustrations shared across society. Yet despite his reputation for personal integrity, his government made little measurable progress against corruption, although its universal health insurance programme was a significant achievement. The deepest political divide remains between PTI and the military. Many PTI supporters hold General Bajwa responsible for the party's removal from power in 2022 and regard the treatment of Shahbaz Gill, Azam Swati, and the unresolved killing of Arshad Sharif as grave injustices. Criticism of General Asim Munir centres more on the post-9 May crackdown and the belief that the subsequent election was engineered to keep PTI out of power beyond Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The PTI Government's relations with major allied powers were strained at times. Subsequently, the Political-Military Government was able to balance China with the USA, and Iran with Saudi Arabia more adroitly. Unlike Bangladesh's quota protests, Sri Lanka's economic collapse or India's examination scandals, Pakistan has no single grievance that unites young people across ethnic, provincial and political lines. Discontent is widespread but fragmented. Criticism of governments is constant and acts as something of a pressure-release valve, although criticism of the military remains far more constrained—a reality many Pakistanis view through the prism of an era of kinetic, cyber, legal and information warfare. Pakistan may therefore be enjoying a temporary reprieve rather than a permanent exception. External security challenges and diplomatic successes have moderated public frustration, but lasting stability will depend on better governance, accountability, economic opportunity and lifting people out of poverty. A national rapprochement with PTI would also help shift the country's focus from political confrontation to capturing emerging geo-economic opportunities that lift people out of poverty, with an emancipated and vibrant Imran Khan playing a constructive role within that broader national framework.