Top Tweets for #TheDebtIsReal

@Ivory1957

4 months ago

PAY US BACK OR PACK UP: THE INVOICE SOUTH AFRICA FORGOT TO OPEN By Kio Amachree #NigeriaInvoice #PayUsBack #XenophobiaLie #SouthAfricaOwes #KioSolution #AfricanSolidarity #TheDebtIsReal #June30Deadline There is a particular kind of ingratitude so spectacular it almost deserves a standing ovation. South Africa — a country whose liberation was financed, in no small part, by Nigerian schoolchildren skipping lunch and Nigerian civil servants surrendering two percent of their monthly pay cheque — has decided that the June 30 deadline it once gave apartheid is now the deadline it is giving us. Let us be clear about what is happening here. Messages and videos circulating on social media show anti-immigration activists calling for foreign nationals to leave South Africa by June 30. At least two Nigerian men died in April during the latest wave of violence. One of the men, Amaramiro Emmanuel, was killed after being beaten by officers from the South African National Defence Force. These are not the actions of a nation that remembers its debts. These are the actions of a nation that has been brainwashed into believing its liberators are its enemies. Now. About that debt. From 1960 to 1995, Nigeria alone spent over $61 billion to support the end of apartheid — more than any other country in the world, according to the South African Institute of International Affairs. That is not a rumour whispered in Lagos markets. That is the South African Institute of International Affairs saying it. Their own people. Their own scholars. Students skipped their lunch to make donations, and in just six months, in June 1977, popular contributions to the Southern Africa Relief Fund reached $10.5 million. The donations were widely known in Nigeria as the "Mandela tax." The Mandela tax. Let that phrase sit with you for a moment. Nigerian children were taxing themselves — voluntarily — to free South Africa. And the South Africans now giving them until June 30 to leave were, in many cases, educated on Nigerian soil. Nigeria opened its doors and its classrooms. Hundreds of South Africans went to school free of charge. The Nigerian High Commission in Botswana issued hundreds of Nigerian passports to South Africans who had fled their country and gave them the dignity of citizenship when their own nation had stripped them of basic human rights. Former President Thabo Mbeki — that refined, pipe-smoking intellectual who would go on to lead the country — spent seven years living in Nigeria. Nigeria did not hand him a deportation notice. Nigeria gave him sanctuary. Now, $61 billion in 1995 money, compounded at a modest 5% annual interest rate over thirty-one years, brings us to somewhere in the vicinity of $283 billion. I am being conservative. The IMF has been less kind in its own calculations of missed opportunity costs. If we apply the World Bank's preferred sovereign lending rate, the number climbs past $300 billion. I am not a vengeful man. I am, at heart, a reasonable man with a calculator. My proposal, and I state it with complete seriousness: South Africa has until June 30 — the very deadline its mobs have set for us — to present a repayment schedule to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Payment can be made via the Nigerian Embassy in Pretoria, directly to the presidency, or — and here I offer a creative alternative in the spirit of African brotherhood — in land. The Western Cape is a beautiful province. Good wine. Excellent infrastructure, still largely managed, let us be honest, by the same white minority that built it under apartheid. I propose that in lieu of cash, South Africa cede the Western Cape to Nigeria as a foreign territory of the Federal Republic. We will run it efficiently. We always have run things efficiently when given functioning infrastructure to work with. Ask any Nigerian businessman in Johannesburg — before someone burned his shop down. But before we get to land, let us address the slander that brought us here. Nigerians, we are told, are responsible for South Africa's drug epidemic. This is a lie of breathtaking convenience. In Durban, the abuse of a drug known as "sugars" — a highly addictive mixture of cocaine and heroin — has been concentrated among the Indian population, while having little impact on the city's African and white communities. Durban is a predominantly Indian-South African city. The hard narcotics — the cocaine arriving by container ship — come from rather further afield than Lagos. On 12 January 2021, a container ship travelling from Durban entered the port of Rotterdam; three days later, 739.5 kilograms of cocaine was found in one of its containers, linked to what investigators describe as a global supercartel believed to be headquartered in Dubai. Hawks head Lieutenant-General Godfrey Lebeya confirmed that two notorious Mexican cartels — Sinaloa and Jalisco — are among the international trafficking gangs active in South Africa. Sinaloa. Jalisco. Not exactly Nigerian names, are they? The first methamphetamine laboratory was seized in South Africa in 1998, shortly after the use of meth was first detected in Cape Town. By 2005, it had become the primary substance of use among all people using drugs in the Western Cape, surpassing even alcohol. The supply chain for this epidemic runs from Pakistan and Afghanistan, trafficked by sea via dhows through the Indian Ocean, arriving through Mozambique and into Johannesburg and Cape Town. Nigerian fishermen are not operating dhow networks in the Indian Ocean. That is not our operational geography. What Nigerians do deal in, to whatever extent individuals among 220 million people engage in any vice, is Indian hemp — cannabis — a plant that has never killed anyone and which South Africa grew indigenously long before it was a country. Cannabis, incidentally, is now legal in South Africa. So the primary accusation dissolves into the air like smoke. Meanwhile, the real drug problem in Black South Africa is the one that existed before the first Nigerian arrived on its shores: alcohol. In 2006, alcohol represented 51.3% of all primary substance presentations at South African government-funded treatment centres — dwarfing every other substance combined. This is not a new affliction. It is a direct inheritance of the apartheid dop system — the practice by white farm owners of paying black workers partly in cheap wine, creating generational dependency as a mechanism of control. That system was not designed by Nigerians. It was designed by the same people who now live in gated communities in the Cape Winelands, producing Sauvignon Blanc and voting for parties that protect their land. The Black South African who today turns on his Nigerian neighbour has been brilliantly, cruelly manipulated. His enemies — the people who own the land, control the economy, benefit from his continued disorganisation — live behind electric fences and security cameras. They have no interest in being the target of black frustration. They have, with the assistance of social media algorithms and politicians like Gayton McKenzie, successfully redirected that frustration toward the people who look most like a threat: successful, confident, educated Black Africans who did not grow up under apartheid and therefore did not absorb its central lesson that Black people are inherently inferior. This is the Elon Musk school of South African race management: keep the Black population arguing with itself, and nobody asks who still owns the mines. According to the UNHCR, in 2025, South Africa hosted more than 167,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in a fragile environment of rising xenophobia, misinformation and socioeconomic pressures. Of 457 foreign nationals sent to Home Affairs for verification by the eThekwini mob, only two were found to be without proper documentation. Two. The mob was wrong about 99.6% of its targets. Facts, unfortunately, are not the point of a mob. Nigerian Foreign Minister Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu accused South Africa's government of failing to forcefully denounce violence against Nigerian nationals, saying this had damaged the bond the two countries have enjoyed since the solidarity Nigeria showed during the fight against apartheid. She is being diplomatic. I am not a diplomat. I will say what the diplomats will not: South Africa owes Nigeria a debt that no amount of Mandela mythology cancels. Nigeria paid for that freedom. Nigerian children went hungry for it. Nigerian civil servants sent their salaries. Nigerian mothers grieved it. Thabo Mbeki ate Nigerian jollof rice for seven years of his exile and came back to lead a nation that now threatens to deport the people who fed him. The June 30 deadline runs both ways. Pay the invoice. With interest. Or pack up your arguments about who belongs in Africa and present them to The Hague — where we will be waiting, brief in hand, calculator on the table, and 61 billion reasons why the Western Cape would make an excellent Nigerian foreign territory. I am not a violent man. But Nigeria has one of the most battle-tested armies on the African continent, led entirely by Black officers — which, for a country still running its military on the old apartheid officer class, should be a quietly sobering thought. Alcohol has caused Black South Africa tremendous suffering. I suggest they sober up — literally and historically — and remember who bought their freedom. We have the receipts. Kio Amachree is President of Worldview International and publishes Letters from Stockholm on Substack.

Ivory1957's tweet photo. PAY US BACK OR PACK UP: THE INVOICE SOUTH AFRICA FORGOT TO OPEN

By Kio Amachree

#NigeriaInvoice #PayUsBack #XenophobiaLie #SouthAfricaOwes #KioSolution #AfricanSolidarity #TheDebtIsReal #June30Deadline

There is a particular kind of ingratitude so spectacular it almost deserves a standing ovation. South Africa — a country whose liberation was financed, in no small part, by Nigerian schoolchildren skipping lunch and Nigerian civil servants surrendering two percent of their monthly pay cheque — has decided that the June 30 deadline it once gave apartheid is now the deadline it is giving us.

Let us be clear about what is happening here. Messages and videos circulating on social media show anti-immigration activists calling for foreign nationals to leave South Africa by June 30. At least two Nigerian men died in April during the latest wave of violence. One of the men, Amaramiro Emmanuel, was killed after being beaten by officers from the South African National Defence Force. These are not the actions of a nation that remembers its debts. These are the actions of a nation that has been brainwashed into believing its liberators are its enemies.

Now. About that debt.

From 1960 to 1995, Nigeria alone spent over $61 billion to support the end of apartheid — more than any other country in the world, according to the South African Institute of International Affairs. That is not a rumour whispered in Lagos markets. That is the South African Institute of International Affairs saying it. Their own people. Their own scholars. Students skipped their lunch to make donations, and in just six months, in June 1977, popular contributions to the Southern Africa Relief Fund reached $10.5 million. The donations were widely known in Nigeria as the "Mandela tax."

The Mandela tax. Let that phrase sit with you for a moment. Nigerian children were taxing themselves — voluntarily — to free South Africa. And the South Africans now giving them until June 30 to leave were, in many cases, educated on Nigerian soil. Nigeria opened its doors and its classrooms. Hundreds of South Africans went to school free of charge. The Nigerian High Commission in Botswana issued hundreds of Nigerian passports to South Africans who had fled their country and gave them the dignity of citizenship when their own nation had stripped them of basic human rights.

Former President Thabo Mbeki — that refined, pipe-smoking intellectual who would go on to lead the country — spent seven years living in Nigeria. Nigeria did not hand him a deportation notice. Nigeria gave him sanctuary.

Now, $61 billion in 1995 money, compounded at a modest 5% annual interest rate over thirty-one years, brings us to somewhere in the vicinity of $283 billion. I am being conservative. The IMF has been less kind in its own calculations of missed opportunity costs. If we apply the World Bank's preferred sovereign lending rate, the number climbs past $300 billion. I am not a vengeful man. I am, at heart, a reasonable man with a calculator.

My proposal, and I state it with complete seriousness: South Africa has until June 30 — the very deadline its mobs have set for us — to present a repayment schedule to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Payment can be made via the Nigerian Embassy in Pretoria, directly to the presidency, or — and here I offer a creative alternative in the spirit of African brotherhood — in land.

The Western Cape is a beautiful province. Good wine. Excellent infrastructure, still largely managed, let us be honest, by the same white minority that built it under apartheid. I propose that in lieu of cash, South Africa cede the Western Cape to Nigeria as a foreign territory of the Federal Republic. We will run it efficiently. We always have run things efficiently when given functioning infrastructure to work with. Ask any Nigerian businessman in Johannesburg — before someone burned his shop down.

But before we get to land, let us address the slander that brought us here.

Nigerians, we are told, are responsible for South Africa's drug epidemic. This is a lie of breathtaking convenience. In Durban, the abuse of a drug known as "sugars" — a highly addictive mixture of cocaine and heroin — has been concentrated among the Indian population, while having little impact on the city's African and white communities. Durban is a predominantly Indian-South African city. The hard narcotics — the cocaine arriving by container ship — come from rather further afield than Lagos. On 12 January 2021, a container ship travelling from Durban entered the port of Rotterdam; three days later, 739.5 kilograms of cocaine was found in one of its containers, linked to what investigators describe as a global supercartel believed to be headquartered in Dubai. Hawks head Lieutenant-General Godfrey Lebeya confirmed that two notorious Mexican cartels — Sinaloa and Jalisco — are among the international trafficking gangs active in South Africa.

Sinaloa. Jalisco. Not exactly Nigerian names, are they?

The first methamphetamine laboratory was seized in South Africa in 1998, shortly after the use of meth was first detected in Cape Town. By 2005, it had become the primary substance of use among all people using drugs in the Western Cape, surpassing even alcohol. The supply chain for this epidemic runs from Pakistan and Afghanistan, trafficked by sea via dhows through the Indian Ocean, arriving through Mozambique and into Johannesburg and Cape Town. Nigerian fishermen are not operating dhow networks in the Indian Ocean. That is not our operational geography.

What Nigerians do deal in, to whatever extent individuals among 220 million people engage in any vice, is Indian hemp — cannabis — a plant that has never killed anyone and which South Africa grew indigenously long before it was a country. Cannabis, incidentally, is now legal in South Africa. So the primary accusation dissolves into the air like smoke.

Meanwhile, the real drug problem in Black South Africa is the one that existed before the first Nigerian arrived on its shores: alcohol. In 2006, alcohol represented 51.3% of all primary substance presentations at South African government-funded treatment centres — dwarfing every other substance combined. This is not a new affliction. It is a direct inheritance of the apartheid dop system — the practice by white farm owners of paying black workers partly in cheap wine, creating generational dependency as a mechanism of control. That system was not designed by Nigerians. It was designed by the same people who now live in gated communities in the Cape Winelands, producing Sauvignon Blanc and voting for parties that protect their land.

The Black South African who today turns on his Nigerian neighbour has been brilliantly, cruelly manipulated. His enemies — the people who own the land, control the economy, benefit from his continued disorganisation — live behind electric fences and security cameras. They have no interest in being the target of black frustration. They have, with the assistance of social media algorithms and politicians like Gayton McKenzie, successfully redirected that frustration toward the people who look most like a threat: successful, confident, educated Black Africans who did not grow up under apartheid and therefore did not absorb its central lesson that Black people are inherently inferior.

This is the Elon Musk school of South African race management: keep the Black population arguing with itself, and nobody asks who still owns the mines.

According to the UNHCR, in 2025, South Africa hosted more than 167,000 refugees and asylum-seekers in a fragile environment of rising xenophobia, misinformation and socioeconomic pressures. Of 457 foreign nationals sent to Home Affairs for verification by the eThekwini mob, only two were found to be without proper documentation. Two. The mob was wrong about 99.6% of its targets. Facts, unfortunately, are not the point of a mob.

Nigerian Foreign Minister Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu accused South Africa's government of failing to forcefully denounce violence against Nigerian nationals, saying this had damaged the bond the two countries have enjoyed since the solidarity Nigeria showed during the fight against apartheid. She is being diplomatic. I am not a diplomat.

I will say what the diplomats will not: South Africa owes Nigeria a debt that no amount of Mandela mythology cancels. Nigeria paid for that freedom. Nigerian children went hungry for it. Nigerian civil servants sent their salaries. Nigerian mothers grieved it. Thabo Mbeki ate Nigerian jollof rice for seven years of his exile and came back to lead a nation that now threatens to deport the people who fed him.

The June 30 deadline runs both ways.

Pay the invoice. With interest. Or pack up your arguments about who belongs in Africa and present them to The Hague — where we will be waiting, brief in hand, calculator on the table, and 61 billion reasons why the Western Cape would make an excellent Nigerian foreign territory.

I am not a violent man. But Nigeria has one of the most battle-tested armies on the African continent, led entirely by Black officers — which, for a country still running its military on the old apartheid officer class, should be a quietly sobering thought.

Alcohol has caused Black South Africa tremendous suffering. I suggest they sober up — literally and historically — and remember who bought their freedom.

We have the receipts.

Kio Amachree is President of Worldview International and publishes Letters from Stockholm on Substack.

Lenda McIntosh @lenda_mcintosh

almost 6 years ago

@WendyOsefo Don't compare Your Student Loan Debts in accumulation of 4 degrees, to where you have no passion to continue working your former career goals, living your mom's dreams..now you look down on your castmates-while on the same #RHOP, renting your residence. #TheDebtIsReal!!.😒

Jason @jayboytch7

about 9 years ago

@BX93Lynzee Don't they always hate us tho...? 🤔🙃 #thedebtisreal 😂

madi ❣️ @mind_over_madi

over 9 years ago

You think that until you actually graduate and then life hits you and :/ Stay in hs while u can, kids #TheDebtIsReal https://t.co/Y1OihYoT4W

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