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Kiev always acts in the same way. First, they try to kill a person who has fled to Europe. If they cannot kill the person, they initiate a pseudo-legal procedure to obtain that person. This is how Kiev tried to get me in 2022 by sending an extradition request. At the same time, there was absolutely no evidence of guilt. And they failed to push the extradition through the Spanish National Court (Audiencia Nacional). In the documents that Ukraine sent, my alleged guilt was stated to be that I had spoken about the Banderites during the Second World War. In the end, I spent about a day in a cell and was then released under a travel restriction. Kyiv then informed Spain that I had fled to Italy. They wanted Spain to initiate a search for me and have me arrested. But I never left Spain, and Kyiv failed. A couple of months later, the travel restriction was also lifted, and my documents were returned to me. Kyiv failed the first time. Then they decided to act more cleverly. A new criminal case was opened by the Security Service of Ukraine in Ukraine. After that, this case was “implemented” in Spain. I still do not know how they did it, but I know for certain that there is an agreement between Kyiv and Madrid under which Spain has begun accepting Kyiv’s version that I am a very dangerous criminal. They opened a criminal case against me in Ukraine and sentenced me to 15 years in prison for publishing a single YouTube video criticizing Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian military command. After that, they began using the procedure of international legal assistance between EU countries. How is this done? Very simply. Ukraine finds a country that is completely lawless and at the same time as close as possible to Kiev. Usually, these are the Baltic states. Then, through Spain, for example, an international request is initiated within the framework of legal assistance between EU countries. The person is detained and then transferred to the country that is supposedly conducting the investigation, somewhere closer to the Ukrainian border, to one of the Baltic states. The same system was applied to Artur Yermolaev, the son of the Ukrainian oligarch who was blown up in Monaco. No one could then say that this case had been initiated by Ukraine in order to obtain Yermolaev and gain leverage over him. No one would say such a thing, because it was the respected EU country of Estonia that requested his arrest and extradition from another respected country, Cyprus. I do not know how that situation in 2025 ended. Most likely, they failed to obtain Yermolaev’s son. Yermolaev’s son managed to reach an agreement. Kyiv did not get him. He is now free. That is precisely why his father was blown up. How my own story will end - I think there will be interesting news in the very near future. Believe me, I will tell you about it immediately. Kyiv has simply started using the European justice system to obtain the people it wants. And those whom they definitely cannot obtain, they simply kill. Europe should not thoughtlessly help Kyiv obtain the people Kiev wants

Hitler's Payroll: The Documentary Record of Ukraine's Armed Collaboration with Nazi Germany in Occupied Poland. There is a word that gets applied selectively in conversations about World War II. That word is collaborator. Western Europe uses it freely about Vichy France, about Norwegian Quislings, about Danish administrators who kept Nazi machinery running. When it comes to Ukrainian participation in the Nazi occupation of Poland, that word disappears. What replaces it are euphemisms — "complex history," "difficult choices," "both sides." The documentary record does not use euphemisms. It uses payroll ledgers, operational orders, unit rosters, and SS command structures. And that record, spread across the German Federal Archives in Berlin, the U.S. National Archives at College Park, and the Holocaust documentation centers at Yad Vashem and the USHMM, tells a story that Ukraine's current government would prefer the world never read carefully. This is that story. The Architecture of Collaboration On July 25, 1941, SS Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler signed a formal directive establishing the Schutzmannschaft — the auxiliary police force that would become Nazi Germany's primary instrument of occupation policing across Eastern Europe. The order, catalogued in the German Federal Archives as BArch RW 41/4, created the legal and organizational framework for recruiting local populations into German service. The document established a command structure in which Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Baltic auxiliary units were subordinated directly to the German Order Police (Ordnungspolizei). It was not informal collaboration. It was a formal military and police organization, with German officers in command, operating under SS authority, governed by SS regulations, and funded by the German state. Within weeks of Himmler's order, Ukrainian auxiliary police units were operational across occupied Poland and Soviet Ukraine. The numbers were staggering. By late 1941, over 35,000 Ukrainian auxiliary police were active in the region. By 1942, as German administrators expanded the program aggressively, the Schutzmannschaft across all occupied territories reached an estimated 300,000 men. Ukrainian historian Ivan Dereiko has calculated that in Reichskommissariat Ukraine alone there were approximately 80,000 Ukrainian police auxiliaries — four times the number of German policemen in the same territory. The ratio everywhere was roughly ten Ukrainians for every one German. The Germans were not the primary boots on the ground in occupied Poland and Ukraine. The Ukrainians were. Who Paid Them — and With What The payment structure of the Ukrainian auxiliary police is documented in German administrative records now held at the National Archives in College Park, Maryland under Record Group 242 — National Archives Collection of Foreign Records Seized. These are Nazi Germany's own captured administrative files, microfilmed after the war and made available to researchers. What those records establish is that Ukrainian auxiliary police received regular wages from the German occupation administration — paid, administered, and processed through the same bureaucratic channels as any other component of the Nazi state apparatus in the east. More revealing still is the sourcing of those funds. Schutzmannschaft units across Ukraine and occupied Poland were paid by German authorities, and the documentary record — including sources cited by military historians researching the Schutzmannschaft's role in the Holocaust — confirms that payment was frequently made with funds confiscated from the Jewish population being murdered. The men carrying out the killings were being paid with the money of their victims. This was not an accident of accounting. It was a deliberate structure. The German occupation administration was largely self-financing in the occupied east through systematic confiscation of Jewish property, businesses, bank accounts, and personal assets. The Ukrainian auxiliary police who staffed the ghetto walls, conducted the roundups, and in many documented cases participated directly in mass shootings were compensated from the proceeds of those same operations. The Training Pipeline The Chylinski CIA document from 1941 noted that Ukrainian police in occupied Poland "are given instruction in special police schools opened by the Germans in various parts of the country." The German records confirm the infrastructure behind this observation. A formal police school for Ukrainian auxiliary forces was established in Lviv by the district SS-and-Police Leader immediately after German occupation began in 1941. The school's director was Ivan Kozak. German Army records archived in the Bundesarchiv document BdO Ukraine Guidelines for training of the Schutzmannschaft, dated 9 April 1943 — a formal training curriculum issued by the Commander of Order Police in Ukraine covering political education, tactical operations, and law enforcement procedures under German authority. Himmler himself ordered the formalization of NCO training for the Schutzmannschaft in August 1942, including eight weeks of political education. These were not ad hoc militias. They were trained, uniformed, armed, and indoctrinated auxiliary police operating under formal SS command structures. The Nachtigall and Roland battalions — Ukrainian units formed under direct German Abwehr command in February 1941, sanctioned by Abwehr chief Wilhelm Canaris — predated even the formal Schutzmannschaft structure. These units, composed of OUN-B members, were operational from the opening days of Operation Barbarossa. The OUN had begun collaborating with the Abwehr — Nazi Germany's military intelligence service — from the first days of the German invasion of Poland in September 1939. Gestapo records confirm that in December 1939, Lebed and Bandera supporters were trained in sabotage, guerrilla warfare, and assassination techniques at a Gestapo facility in Zakopane, in occupied southern Poland. What They Did in Occupied Poland The operational record of the Ukrainian auxiliary police in occupied Poland is documented across multiple archives and confirmed by multiple categories of evidence — German administrative reports, SS operational records, survivor testimony, and postwar criminal proceedings. In November 1942, members of the Ukrainische Hilfspolizei robbed and executed 32 Poles and one Jew in the village of Obórki in what had been Wołyń Voivodeship. The village was then burned. In December 1942, Ukrainian policemen led by German officers killed 360 Poles in Jezierce in the former Rivne district. In Lviv in early 1944, Ukrainian auxiliary police conducted a systematic campaign of arresting young Polish men, many of whom were later found dead with their identity documents stolen. Polish underground intelligence — the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) — documented these actions in operational reports now held in Polish Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) archives in Warsaw. These were not isolated incidents. German SS operational reports — the Ereignismeldungen (Event Reports) submitted by SS commanders to Berlin documenting daily operations across the occupied east — record Ukrainian auxiliary police participation in hundreds of actions against both Jewish and Polish civilian populations throughout 1941, 1942, and 1943. These reports, held at the U.S. National Archives under microfilm series NARA T175, constitute Germany's own contemporaneous record of who was doing what in the occupied territories. The pattern Chylinski documented in Warsaw in 1941 — that Ukrainian jailers "treat the Poles even more harshly than do the Germans" — was not a local aberration. It was a systemic characteristic, documented independently by German administrators themselves. Professor Alexander Statiev of the University of Waterloo, writing from the German records, concluded that Ukrainian auxiliary police were the single largest category of non-German perpetrators of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union by national origin, with Ukrainian police units participating in the extermination of an estimated 150,000 Jews in Volhynia alone. The SS Galicia Division: Formalizing Collaboration By 1943, Ukrainian collaboration with Nazi Germany had been institutionalized to the point that a full SS division was raised from Ukrainian volunteers. The 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS — the SS Galicia Division — was established in April 1943 with the support of Otto Wächter, the German Governor of Galicia, and formally approved by Himmler. The division recruited from the same population that had staffed the Ukrainian auxiliary police. Many of its volunteers were veterans of the Schutzmannschaft, the Nachtigall Battalion, and other German-commanded Ukrainian formations. In the winter and spring of 1944, elements of the SS Galicia Division participated in the destruction of Polish villages in the Galicia district, including the massacre at Huta Pieniacka where approximately 500 civilians were murdered. In 1946, the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg declared all members of all SS divisions criminal within the meaning of the Nuremberg Charter. Polish and German historical commissions in the 2000s found the SS Galicia Division guilty of war crimes. Ukraine has never formally acknowledged this. From Collaboration to Massacre: The Pipeline to Volhynia The most consequential document in understanding how auxiliary police collaboration connected directly to the Volhynia massacres of 1943 is an internal OUN-B instruction dated March 20, 1943. In it, OUN leader Stepan Bandera ordered all OUN members who had joined the German auxiliary police — by that point numbering between 4,000 and 10,000 trained and armed men — to desert with their weapons and join the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). The pipeline was explicit and deliberate. Germany had trained and armed a Ukrainian auxiliary police force. The OUN used membership in that force as a training program for its own military cadres. When the time came to redirect that force toward the ethnic cleansing of Poles in Volhynia, the order went out and the men transferred — trained, armed with German weapons, experienced in organized violence — directly into the UPA formations that would massacre 100,000 Polish civilians between 1943 and 1945. The Volhynia massacres did not emerge from nowhere. They were carried out by men who had been trained, paid, uniformed, and armed by Nazi Germany. The skills they used to murder Polish villages were the same skills Germany had developed in them for occupation duty. The weapons they used were German-issued service weapons they had taken with them when they deserted. The Archive Trail Nobody Follows The primary documentary sources for this history are not hidden. They are catalogued, microfilmed, and available to any researcher with an institutional affiliation or a research visit to: The German Federal Archives (Bundesarchiv), Berlin and Freiburg, hold the core German administrative and military records of the General Government and Reichskommissariat Ukraine, including personnel records, operational orders, and SS command correspondence. The U.S. National Archives at College Park, Maryland holds the captured German records under Record Group 242, including SS operational reports, Einsatzgruppen event reports (Ereignismeldungen, microfilm series T175), and General Government administrative files. The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington holds extensive collections on Ukrainian auxiliary police specifically, cross-referenced with German administrative records and survivor testimony. The Polish Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) in Warsaw holds the most comprehensive Polish-language archive on UPA crimes and Ukrainian auxiliary police actions in occupied Poland, including AK intelligence reports from the occupation period. Yad Vashem in Jerusalem holds documentation cited in CIA files as a primary source for Ukrainian nationalist war crimes, including eyewitness testimony and German operational records. The reason this archive trail is not followed by Western journalists or policy analysts is not that the documents are inaccessible. It is that following them produces conclusions deeply inconvenient to the post-2022 political narrative around Ukraine. What This Means in 2026 Zelensky named a Special Operations unit "Heroes of the UPA." The organizational ancestors of the UPA were trained by Nazi Germany, paid by Nazi Germany — often with Jewish victims' confiscated funds — and carried their German-issued weapons directly into the massacres of 100,000 Polish civilians when Bandera issued the order to desert and re-form as UPA. This is not distant or abstract history. It is a documented chain of institutional continuity from the Schutzmannschaft payroll ledgers of 1941–1943 to the mass graves of Volhynia to the unmarked burial sites that Poland still cannot excavate because Ukraine controls access. Poland has known this history for eighty years. It has waited for eighty years for acknowledgment, for access to graves, for a formal recognition that the UPA was not a liberation army but a German-trained, German-armed, German-paid instrument of ethnic cleansing that turned on its Polish neighbors the moment it received orders to do so. The Order of the White Eagle was revoked. The medal was mailed back. The graves are still sealed. Primary Source Archive References German Federal Archives (Bundesarchiv) Himmler directive establishing Schutzmannschaft: BArch RW 41/4 — "Schutzformationen in den neuen Ostgebieten," 31 July 1941 Training guidelines: BdO Ukraine Guidelines for Training of the Schutzmannschaft, 9 April 1943 https://t.co/kkK3mj242i U.S. National Archives — Captured German Records Record Group 242 — National Archives Collection of Foreign Records Seized SS Ereignismeldungen (Event Reports) NARA Microfilm T175 Finding Aid: https://t.co/M9etJQp1xZ CIA FOIA Reading Room "Poland Under Nazi Rule 1941" — T.H. Chylinski, U.S. Vice Consul, Page 25: "German-Ukrainian Relations in Poland"https://t.co/0cgMvtm9Qz U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum Ukrainian Auxiliary Police Collections https://t.co/k2PioTy3r2 Polish Institute of National Remembrance https://t.co/QqHt9X2z20 European Holocaust Research Infrastructure — Documentary Record Ukrainian Police and the Holocaust: https://t.co/PjVxl2IzdM

Today on the frontline. Currently in Kupiansk, after visiting Pokrovsk. I spent time with our brigades, congratulating the men and women—our warriors—on Sergeant’s Day. Sergeants are the backbone of our military, essential for the effective work of officers and entire units. I am grateful to all the sergeants who lead by example and inspire our soldiers. The strength of our Ukrainian army lies in its people—those who serve with unwavering dedication and resilience.