@ivan_pilip Má to být poplatek za ozbrojený doprovod. Každá loď si může klidně vplout do Hormuzu bez doprovodu, námořnictvo USA ji v tom nijak nebude bránit.
Germans call this the Wirtschaftswunder, the economic miracle. It had a mechanism.
Twelve years of price controls had held down a working economy. Erhard removed the controls, and the economy came back.
What made him rare was refusing to defer to every credentialed voice in the room.
@mschmarcz Přesně tak. "Promluvte" ovšem neznamená radit a mistrovat, ale s otevřenou hlavou se ptát, proč vidí a cítí věci tak, jak je vidí a cítí ...
@PetrosKecyaPoli Petrosi, Bába mluvil poslední, protože ČR vycházi z hodnocení plnění spojeneckých závazků nejhůř. Šaráda s PP tam byla všem u zádele, počítalo se plnění. A hádejte za jaké časové období: Za rok 2025, tudíž ještě předtím, než začali kreativně vylepšovat rozpočet AB a jeho géniové.
Not looking forward to Norwegians rioting in London tonight.
I'm assuming the Norwegians will riot because all people are exactly the same no matter where they're from.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau – the original Woke
He invented it. Every premise of contemporary progressive ideology traces directly back to one man who had never met a "noble savage", never raised a child, and never lived according to a single principle he preached.
1. His foundational claim: man is naturally good and civilization corrupts. This sounds compassionate. It is the most dangerous idea in Western political thought. Because if man is naturally good, then every failure, every crime, every inequality is caused by the system – never by the individual.
Responsibility evaporates. The oppressor is always external. The victim is always pure. This is the complete architecture of Woke in one sentence, written in 1755.
2. The "Noble Savage" is Rousseau’s Form – his version of Plato’s ideal. The uncorrupted man, untouched by property, competition, and civilization, living in natural harmony. Rousseau had never met one. He invented him from an armchair in Paris, extrapolating from travel accounts of peoples he had never visited. The Noble Savage is not an anthropological observation. He is a political weapon – a club to beat civilization with, wielded by someone living comfortably inside it.
3. The "General Will" is the most dangerous concept in modern political philosophy. Not the actual expressed will of actual people – but the deeper will, the will people would have if they were "properly enlightened". Whoever claims to know it can do anything in its name. Robespierre knew it. Every revolutionary vanguard since has known it. Today’s progressive institutions know it – which is why they can override democratic majorities, suppress dissent, and compel speech, all while insisting they represent the people’s true interests. The General Will is the intellectual license for every tyranny that calls itself a liberation.
4. The chain from Rousseau to today is unbroken. Rousseau to Robespierre and the Terror. Robespierre to Marx, who secularized the General Will into historical necessity. Marx to every "liberation" movement that ended in a gulag. And today: replace civilization with white supremacy, replace the Noble Savage with the marginalized community, replace the General Will with lived experience – and you have the complete operating system of contemporary progressivism. The software is the same.
5. Voltaire, his contemporary and rival, saw him quite clearly: Rousseau made primitivism intellectually respectable. He gave the comfortable classes of every generation a way to signal virtue by denouncing the civilization that produced them, from inside it, without cost. The French Left Bank intellectual denouncing capitalism from a café. The Harvard professor deconstructing Western civilization from a tenured chair. The hedge fund billionaire funding the abolition of meritocracy. All of them are living in Rousseau’s armchair.
6. He sent all five of his illegitimate children to a Paris orphanage. Then wrote Émile – one of the most influential books on education in Western history, a detailed guide on how to raise a virtuous child in harmony with nature. He did not find this contradictory. This is not hypocrisy in the ordinary sense – this is obłuda (remember the obłuda of communism?👇🏻). The defining structural feature of the ideology he invented: the sermon is inversely proportional to the practice. The performance of virtue replaces the exercise of it. Naming the oppressor substitutes for personal accountability. Rousseau didn’t just invent Woke – he lived it, in every detail, before anyone had the word.
7. The original Woke was woke about a fiction he invented – and spent his life performing outrage about a civilization he depended on and never left. Two and a half centuries later, the performance is the same. The noble savages have been updated. The General Will has new names. The orphanages are metaphorical. But the man who sends his children away and then lectures everyone else on how to raise theirs – that man is everywhere.
The Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment – the real antidote to Rousseau and Voltaire
The French Enlightenment and the Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment happened simultaneously, in the same century, reading the same books, arguing about the same questions. They reached completely opposite conclusions. One produced the Declaration of Independence and the American Constitution. The other produced the guillotine. This is the most important civilizational fork in modern history.
1. The French Enlightenment begins with the assumption that human beings can be improved by reason – that if you strip away the corrupting institutions of Church, tradition, and inherited authority, the natural goodness underneath will organize itself into a just society. This sounds like progress. It is a fantasy with a body count. Every attempt to implement it has required, at some point, a Committee of Public Safety to handle the people who turned out not to be naturally good enough.
2. The Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment begins with the opposite assumption: human beings are what they are, not what they could be if properly enlightened. Hume grounds morality in human nature as it actually operates – sympathy, habit, sentiment, the slow accumulation of social trust. Smith shows that self-interest, properly channeled, produces collective benefit without a planner. Neither man is building a utopia. Both are building with the actual material available.
3. Burke is the direct refutation, written in real time. He published Reflections on the Revolution in France in 1790 – before the Terror, predicting it precisely – because he understood that institutions are not obstacles to human flourishing, they are its precondition. They contain accumulated wisdom — the knowledge of the dead — that cannot be recovered once destroyed. Pull society apart to improve it and you don’t get the General Will. You get Robespierre.
4. The American founders read Burke, Hume, Smith, and Montesquieu – the Frenchman who looked at England and understood what France was missing. They built a system that takes human nature as given — self-interested, power-hungry, tribal — and constructs institutions to contain those tendencies rather than assume they disappear once the right people are in charge. Checks and balances are not a design flaw. They are what you build when you don’t believe in philosopher-kings.
5. 1776 versus 1789. Same Enlightenment, same century, same vocabulary of liberty and reason. One produces a constitutional republic that has survived two and a half centuries of stress, civil war, and upheaval. The other produces, in sequence: the Terror, Napoleon, 1848, the Commune, and eventually — via Marx, who was a Frenchman in spirit if not in birth — the entire catastrophe of the twentieth century. The difference was not intelligence or intention. It was the starting assumption about human nature. Get that wrong and everything that follows is wrong with it.
6. The guillotine is not the Revolution’s failure. It is its logical conclusion. If man is naturally good and the system is corrupt, then whoever seizes the system in the name of natural goodness is licensed to do anything. The General Will cannot be wrong. Those who resist it are not opponents – they are enemies of nature itself.
7. The real antidote to Rousseau and Voltaire was never a better French philosopher. It was a different civilizational tradition – one that builds with human beings as they are; that treats inherited institutions as repositories of wisdom rather than obstacles to progress; that distributes power rather than concentrating it in whoever currently claims to know the General Will. That tradition was built in Edinburgh, London, and Philadelphia. It is currently under sustained assault — from exactly the same ideas, in exactly the same form, with exactly the same confidence — that Burke watched demolish France in 1789. He was right then. He is right now.
@BlkoJa Ve vědě se tím nezměnilo lauter nic. Tyto woke zaklínadla nemají ani neměli nic společného s vědou. Věda je o experimentálním ověřování hypotéz, ne o emo blabolech.
@TinaBluemelova@DieMitDerrkmu Madam, předem se omlouvám za svoji ignoranci. Vaše poprsí, ačkoliv určitě působivé, mě jako šťastně ženatého dolňáka příliš nezajímá. Přeji Vám, ať Vás ve Švédsku nikdy netlačí boty a nepřejí se Vám chléb bez kůrky.
Jasně že jo, další z dejinných objevů stabilního génia 😉. Madam, jedinou příčinou politické relevance Donalda Trumpa je, že ukázal 🖕celému zástupu entitled levičáků který produkují minimum ale všechny chtějí mistrovat. A teď ječí, protože jim pošlapal jejich bábovičky.
Unfortunately, nobody knows the shape of the structure ( institutional or not), which will replace the contemporary educational system. The worst case scenario Is a society without scientific or engineering skills, driven by AGI's, where humans are just skilled manual workers.
Le système éducatif / acédémique est mort. Il ne le sait juste pas encore.
Il a été conçu pour un monde où le savoir était rare, cher, gardé derrière des murs : des amphis, des bibliothèques, des mandarins qui décidaient qui avait le droit d'apprendre. On y allait parce qu'il n'existait aucun autre accès à la connaissance. Ce monde n'existe plus. Un gamin de 14 ans avec un bon modèle a aujourd'hui accès à plus de connaissance, mieux expliquée, plus patiemment, disponible à 3h du matin, que n'importe quel étudiant de la Sorbonne il y a dix ans. L'école ne transmet plus le savoir. Elle le rationne. Elle protège une rente. Et une rente que la technologie a rendue inutile ne survit jamais très longtemps.
Ce qui s'effondre avec elle, c'est sa fiction fondatrice : la séparation entre celui qui cherche et celui qui construit. Tout le système est bâti là-dessus. On forme une caste qui "pense" — qui publie, qui peer-review, qui théorise — et une caste qui "exécute", sommée d'appliquer ce que d'autres ont décidé sans jamais avoir eu la moindre peau dans le jeu. Cette séparation n'est pas une loi de la nature. C'est un vestige. Une bureaucratie née au XIXe siècle, quand il fallait produire des fonctionnaires et des ouvriers dociles, et fossilisée depuis. Elle n'a plus aucune raison d'exister.
Pire : ces institutions ont été vérolées de l'intérieur. L'université, la grande école, censées être des temples du réel, sont devenues des machines idéologiques. Le communisme n'a jamais gagné là où il fallait produire — il a perdu partout où la matière tranche. Alors il s'est réfugié dans le seul endroit où l'échec ne se paye jamais : les amphis, les départements de sciences humaines, les comités, les commissions. Un ingénieur qui se trompe voit son pont tomber. Un professeur qui se trompe obtient une chaire. On a confié la formation de la jeunesse à la seule caste du pays qui n'a jamais à répondre du réel.
Musk l'a dit brutalement, et il a raison : l'écrasante majorité des thèses ne servent à rien. Des milliers de pages produites pour être lues par trois personnes, citées par personne, appliquées jamais. Un rituel de reproduction de la caste, déguisé en avancée de la connaissance. Le doctorat n'est plus une preuve de valeur, c'est un certificat d'appartenance. Le diplôme ne prouve plus que tu sais faire quelque chose. Il prouve que tu as accepté de rester assis assez longtemps.
Et le clash entre Musk et Yann LeCun incarne tout, parfaitement. D'un côté LeCun, le grand prêtre du système : "si tu ne publies pas, ce n'est pas de la science", le nombre de papiers, le peer-review, le h-index comme mesure de la valeur d'un homme. De l'autre Musk : la science, c'est ce qui fait atterrir des fusées, pas ce qui remplit des revues que personne ne lit. Deux définitions du réel qui s'affrontent. L'une mesure le prestige entre pairs. L'autre mesure ce qui marche. Et pendant que LeCun brandit ses 80 papiers et traite xAI d'"échec" depuis un fauteuil, des équipes font décoller, atterrir, réutiliser. La matière ne ment pas. Le comité, si.
Parce que voilà la preuve que le système ne veut pas voir : SpaceX et Neuralink ont fait avancer la science plus vite que des décennies de laboratoires subventionnés et de cursus prestigieux. Pas avec des diplômes. Pas avec des papiers. Avec des équipes d'ingénieurs qui pensent ET qui font, qui redescendent au premier principe, que le réel punit ou récompense chaque jour. La NASA — pur produit du système académique, financée à milliards — a mis soixante ans à ne pas réutiliser une fusée. Une équipe intégrée l'a fait en quelques années. Neuralink implante ce que des instituts entiers décrivaient depuis trente ans en conférences.
Le vrai apprentissage revient là où il a toujours été le plus fort : dans les mains, sur le chantier, dans l'équipe où celui qui pense et celui qui fait sont la même personne. L'IA vient de rendre le savoir gratuit et infini. Ce qui reste rare, ce n'est plus le diplôme. C'est la capacité à construire.
Le système éducatif ne sera pas réformé. Il sera contourné. Et il ne s'en remettra pas.