milved

Curious Mind. Retweeter.

[milved @milved]

Those who renounce attachment in all their deeds live content in the “city of nine gates,” the body, as its master.

[Savanah Tujague @savanah2j]

I NEVER WANNA HEAR A SINGLE PERSON EVER TELL ME MANIFESTATION ISNT REAL

[milved @milved]

@iamnarendranath There are ghost houses across Bihar. The youth who left hardly want to return. The old houses and their aging parents still wait for children who will never come.

[milved @milved]

Intelligence is now a commodity. Available on payment. Available ubiquitously.

Consciousness, emotions, and self are where the future of humanity lies.

[milved @milved]

@WithLoveBihar I have been to Ara recently to look after my paternal home. Its hard to find any city across India as dirty as Ara. Sad state of affairs.

[Woke Eminent @WokePandemic]

This is the best presentation by an #AI company @SarvamAI in #IndiaAIImpactSummit2026
This is how you get needed attention 🙏

[Itamar Golan 🤓 @ItakGol]

Software engineers in 2026 be like:

[Katyayani Shukla @aibytekat]

He literally explained the Black Coffee Theory and why it changes how you approach life.

[Abhishek Murarka 💹🐂 @abhymurarka]

Three minutes of philosophy worth an MBA course. Ft. Manish Sabharwal with @RoshanCariappa

[milved @milved]

@dr_prashantsb Very likely this is AI generated voice and fake.

[काव्य कुटीर @KavyaKutir]

जब तक आप ज़िंदा हैं,,, तब तक आपकी निंदा होगी ही...❣️💯💯

[blue @bluewmist]

A Monk Once Said:
If you're 37. Instead of regretting that you can't wake up age 18 again, pretend to yourself that you're 90 and you've woken up age 37 again, and that you get to magically, wonderfully have the next 50 years again.

[Maheshwer Peri @maheshperi]

I read through opinions of and @deepigoyal and @Sbikh on Gig workers. More interestingly, I read through @Nixxin view. It is very brave of him to express himself and take a stand on the matter.

Zomato is a listed company. All its financials are out in the open. Despite paying ‘low salaries’, Quick commerce ‘Blinkit’ still lost 929 crores in 2025 and 156 crores in Q2 of 2026. It has a long journey ahead to become viable. They have to control costs while increasing margins. Else, the business model dies taking along with lacs of jobs.

We are silent on the mature ITeS services companies like @Infosys, @Wipro , @TCS which earn billions in profits by employing IT coolies while freezing the pay at 30K a month (Source @Careers360) for about 20 years. And most of us have been partaking in this abuse.

We should all know that most gig workers earn more than a fresher BTech earns even after spending 20 lacs and 4 years of their life. The ITeS companies multiplied their profits 10X, employee count 3X while salary bill stagnated.

However, we rage and protest when a young loss making startup creates jobs and pays to market conditions. Because we see the gig workers every day. Transact every day. Engage every day. Face them yesterday. And we compare our privilege to their compulsions.That is possibly ‘guilt’ as Depinder says.

We also forget how they responded during Covid. Restaurants expanded. Cloud kitchens were created. Millions of workers retained their jobs despite a lockdown as they saved the entire restaurant businesses from an imminent collapse. Companies like @Paytm by @vijayshekhar ensured that you don’t need to touch the currency physically while still transact buying your vegetables.

Many studies have shown that when a demographically targeted group benefit raises the cost of an enterprise, employers respond by hiring less. When India expanded the maternity heave from 12 weeks to 26 weeks, research showed a 4.6% drop in newly married woman gaining employment. A similar thing happened when minimum wages were raised. The contractual employees is a direct consequence of regulating salaries.

I always had a problem when those who got through the gate raise the cost so high that it closes the gates on others. Any forced increase will lead to reduced opportunities for others. We aren’t creating enough jobs. Government is failing the youth. The question before India is more jobs or more money for those who already have jobs?

I have this pet peeve against all Entrepreneurs who were beneficiaries of public education system at low or no cost but deride it only wanting to kill it. The current EdTech companies offering STEM education thrive on deriding public education and created a business model on the vulnerability of India to find a decent office job. We are all a part of the charade.

We all pass the buck when confronted with uneasy questions. Why don’t we voluntarily add a decent tip because our heart beats for gig workers? How many of us are willing to pay a higher delivery charge if it has to be real quick? How many pay the minimum wages to their domestic workers? How many pay overtime to their drivers?

Personally, I am against 10 minute delivery. No one dies if an order is delivered in 20 minutes. The quick commerce that monetises the urge and urgency of fickle and shallow people must stop. Charge a premium. Increase delivery charges. Offer zero discounts if it is immediate. Make people pay.

But at the same time, we need to look inward. Our urgency. We need to strike a balance between the companies, the business model, the gig workers and what we as consumers are willing to pay.

Stop confusing the market cap of Zomato with its profits! If the business isn’t profitable, everything evaporates. Let the business models succeed, mature and we can have a better debate about job creation vs worker exploitation. For now, ask Infosys, TCS, Wipro etc, as to why the fresher salary is stuck at 3.5 lacs for 20 years..

[🍂 @Lovandfear]

When Khalil Gibran said, “Between what is said and not meant, and what is meant and not said, most love is lost”

When Jane Austen said, “And sometimes I have kept my feelings to myself, because I could find no language to describe them in.”

When Fyodor Dostoevsky said, “Much unhappiness has come into world because of bewilderment and things left unsaid.”

[Wholesome Side of 𝕏 @itsme_urstruly]

Osho once said:

[Raghav Sachar @raghavsachar]

14 INSTRUMENTS IN UNDER A MINUTE! 🎶🔥

I’m back with Multi-Instrumental Madness!
This time, I’m performing “Tumse Milke Dil Ka” on 14 different instruments — all in under a minute.

It was pure madness, crazy fun and a real challenge switching between so many instruments so quickly. Every second was packed with energy and a whole lot of joy.

Watch till the end and let me know what you think — which instrument did you enjoy the most? 🎵✨

INSTRUMENTS USED:

 1.⁠ ⁠DARBUKA
 2.⁠ ⁠GEOSHRED
 3.⁠ ⁠PICCOLO
 4.⁠ ⁠HANDPAN
 5.⁠ ⁠SOPRANO SAXOPHONE
 6.⁠ ⁠KALIMBA
 7.⁠ ⁠VENOVA
 8.⁠ ⁠SEABOARD
 9.⁠ ⁠SANTOOR
10.⁠ ⁠RECORDER
11.⁠ ⁠MANDOLIN
12.⁠ ⁠HARMONICA
13.⁠ ⁠LUMI KEYS
14.⁠ ⁠FLUTE

[Kpaxs @Kpaxs]

Setbacks are not proof of failure, but evidence you’re still in motion.

[Gitanjali J Angmo @GitanjaliAngmo]

When I met @Wangchuk66 yesterday, he told me how he spends time with the kids of the jail staff who accompany their parents to work! To the jail staff who ask him about how to bring up children, he gives the simple advice of always celebrating the good the child does more than pointing out their wrongs!
He is enjoying Sri Aurobindo’s autobiographical description of his 1 year detention at Alipore jail, ‘Tales of Prison Life’ that I felt inspired to take for him last time. It was so similar to his case where the most patriotic Sri Aurobindo was accused of sedition! He wanted me to bring a sundial next time as he does not have a watch to know the time and a book on the behaviour of ants!!

[mitsuri @0xmitsurii]

Whenever I feel lost, I watch this.

[Z Fellows @zfellows]

Peter Thiel: “You get many chances so long as you keep trying. If you get hung up on failure, and if you think you don’t have another chance, that’s when you really don’t.”

[Rohit Lamba @rohlamba]

My article in the @IndianExpress: On @PrashantKishor and the politics of dare... After all, we make ourselves according to the ideas we have of our possibilities.

Theodore Roosevelt once observed that credit belongs not to the critic who points out how the strong man stumbles, but to the one “who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly… who at the best knows the triumph of high achievement, and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.”

In Bihar’s politics today, Prashant Kishor embodies this principle. The former political strategist who helped engineer electoral victories across India’s ideological spectrum has chosen to risk his reputation, resources, and years of behind-the-scenes influence for an uncertain electoral venture. Whether his Jan Suraaj party wins seats or loses deposits matters less than what its audacious entry represents for Indian democracy.

Bihar desperately needs new political imagination. Home to 130 million people — which would make it the world’s 11th-largest nation — the state has been locked in political stasis for three decades. The Lalu Prasad-Nitish Kumar duopoly delivered on their respective promises: Lalu gave voice to backward castes, Nitish improved infrastructure and law and order. Yet, Bihar remains India’s poorest state. When a state’s primary export becomes its own children, politics-as-usual becomes unconscionable.

Kishor brings something genuinely novel. His party has fielded unusual candidates — mathematicians who’ve authored textbooks, retired civil servants, social activists, even a transgender candidate — suggesting competence might matter more than caste arithmetic. The party’s symbol, a school bag, signals priorities transcending traditional identity politics — education as liberation, employment as dignity, governance as service rather than patronage.

His party’s bypoll performance last November was sobering — candidates lost deposits in three of four seats. He’s been dismissed as an urban elite creation, amplified by Delhi media but disconnected from rural Bihar’s realities. His promises of revolutionising education might seem fantastical where basic governance remains challenging. His past — helping architect the very political machines he now opposes — raises questions about authenticity.

Perhaps most tellingly, his aggressive body language and combative posturing alienates crucial constituencies — those sensitive to Bihar’s delicate caste equations, where his upper caste background already creates distance, and women voters who often prefer measured political conduct. Both Lalu and Nitish, for all their backroom management of strongmen politics, maintain genteel public personas that mesh with social realities.

Yet, dwelling on these critiques misses the larger significance of Kishor. Democracy requires periodic disruption to remain vital. Established parties need competition to sharpen their offerings. Voters deserve choices beyond familiar binaries. Even if Jan Suraaj wins no seats, its presence forces Bihar’s political establishment to confront uncomfortable questions about their staleness.

Consider what Kishor has achieved by entering the arena. His padyatra across 3,500 km of Bihar over two years created conversations about governance transcending caste mobilisation. His rallies drawing thousands suggest an appetite for political alternatives that established parties assumed didn’t exist. His policy proposals — lifting prohibition to fund education, universal elderly pensions, tackling low credit disbursement, generating employment — have injected substantive debate into what often becomes identity-based sloganeering.

International parallels are instructive. France’s Emmanuel Macron disrupted a decades-old left-right divide by creating a centrist alternative. Delhi’s Arvind Kejriwal proved governance-focused politics could defeat established machines. In New York, Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral victory demonstrates even entrenched systems can be toppled by outsiders articulating clear alternatives. These successes don’t mirror Kishor’s project exactly but validate attempts at democratic renewal.

More importantly, Kishor’s gamble challenges pernicious assumptions in Indian politics: Certain states are condemned to perpetual backwardness, that politics must remain trapped in caste calculations, that youth must accept migration as destiny. By articulating a different possibility — where Bihar’s children carry school bags instead of migrant bundles — he performs an essential democratic function of expanding political imagination. As V S Naipaul evocatively wrote, “we make ourselves according to the ideas we have of our possibilities.”

The entry costs for disrupting Indian politics are extraordinarily high. You need money, organisation, media attention, and courage to withstand character assassination. These barriers have grown steeper as meritocratic mobility within India’s dominant parties has suffered over the past decade. That Kishor assembled resources and survived the initial onslaught suggests barriers, while formidable, aren’t insurmountable. Future disruptors will learn from his successes and failures.

In a political culture that rewards cynicism and punishes idealism, Kishor’s gamble reminds us that change remains possible for those brave enough to attempt it. That alone makes his effort worthy of respect.