Arc. Munxeer, MNIA

Insha Allah we'll meet in Jannah

[Chelsea FC @ChelseaFC]

Club World Cup champions #OTD one year ago. 🏆

[Anambra 1st son @UchePOkoye]

“And what is my fault in Kebbi ?
I stood up here in the Senate to tell Nigerians to assist us that bandits are killing us.

And suddenly, the governor thought, I was fighting him.

I have never fought to the governor.
I have nothing against him.

But my people that sent me here asked me to cry, and I cried.

And they appreciate it. 3 years since Tinubu’s government, 3 years.
2023, 2024, and 2025.

The budget has not been implemented.
He has never implement a budget.
How does a country run without a budget?

The selective financing of project, and we have borrowed and borrowed and borrowed.

Where is the money we are borrowing?

All the revenue generating agency in this country told us they have exceeded their target.

Where is the money going?”

Senator representing Kebbi state, voices out his frustration with Tinubu led administration.

[• @Alhamdhulillaah]

Lamine Yamal performs sujūd after scoring his first World Cup goal.

[Abu Āliyah @ElderImran]

Well said by my brother Al Ameen.

Rarara doesn't actually care about masses or anything. He himself, all of this is as a result of his political affiliations.

Well said Al Ameen

[BRICS News @BRICSinfo]

JUST IN: 🇺🇸🇮🇷 President Trump says it’s unfair to restrict Iran from having ballistic missiles since other countries have them.

[Abu Twins @abu_twinss]

INNALILLAHI WA’INNA ILAIHI RAJIUN Arewa we are in serious problems.😢🇳🇬😢✍️

[Inside the Haramain @insharifain]

“May Allah be the guardian of Umar ibn al-Khattab in this world and the Hereafter"

[𝐟𝐞𝐝𝐞𝐯𝐚𝐥𝐯 @heis_fede]

Commentator 1: “Why aren’t the South African players attacking?”

Commenatator2: “it’s because the Mexicans are white, they only attack when they see black people”

[Ahmad Ganga @AhmadGanga]

A striking archaeological discovery announced by the Saudi Heritage Commission consists of a rare historical inscription that reads:

"Allah is the guardian of Umar ibn al Khattab in this world & the Hereafter, & there is no god but Allah."

Muhammad ﷺ is the Messenger of Allah.

[Inside the Haramain @insharifain]

The Saudi Heritage Commissio announced the discovery of an inscription written during the early Islamic period

“ May Allah be the guardian of Umar ibn al-Khattab in this world and the Hereafter"
"There is no god but Allah"”

[Omar Artan Fanpage @OmarArtand1]

I am deeply grateful for the overwhelming support, encouragement, and kind messages I have received from people around the world. Your solidarity has reminded me that football unites us beyond borders. Thank you to everyone.

[I.R. Iran in Tunisia🎒(تونس) @IranembTun]

We are all Omar Abdulkadir.

[H @hellohalima]

FIFA 100% thought this ref story wasn’t going to be big cause it’s a Somali lol. They truly underestimated the anger.

[SANTORINI @KinqKudos]

This man here doesn’t represent Islam but bandits & kidnappers do. Some non Muslims have mental health issues walah. 🤣

[A.Y.O @YusufAsunmogejo]

Let me share my opinion on the Islamic perspective to this.

In Islam, every creation has a Ghayah (an ultimate end). This is why I argue that a child with a disability is not a biological error: they are also a purposeful creation.

The first thing we look at is the biological timeline. Based on the words of the Prophet (peace be upon him), the soul is breathed into the body at 120 days. Before this mark, the fetus is a living entity but has not reached full legal personhood as a soul.

If a medical board confirms a fatal condition that is incompatible with life, some scholars allow a choice for termination to avoid unbearable hardship. But once that 120 day mark passes, the child is a full citizen of this world. At that point, the move is no longer about a medical choice. It is about a commitment to a life that Allah has already decided to send.

Again, we have to be very careful with how we categorize disability because not all conditions are the same. A fatal malformation such as anencephaly, where the child cannot survive outside the womb, is handled with a specific legal leniency before the soul is breathed in.

However, for conditions that are life altering but sustainable, such as Down Syndrome or physical limb differences, the Islamic argument is one of patience (Sabr) and spiritual refinement.

Allah says in the Quran that He created humans in the best of stature. This does not mean everyone has a perfect body or a high IQ. It means the design is perfect for that soul's specific journey and test.

A child who may never commit a sin due to his/her incapacity or who requires constant care is a specialized mission from the Creator.

Ibn al-Qayyim argued this in Miftah Dar al-Sa'adah that the existence of "deficiency" in the world is proof of the "Perfection" of the Creator. He made a profound intellectual point: if everything were perfect, we would never know what mercy, completeness, patience, or gratitude looked like. In this context, it forces the parents and the community to practice mercy (Rahmah) and humility.

Again in Islam, there is a paradox in how we look at strength. While the world thinks a disabled child takes away your resources, the Prophet (peace be upon him) taught us that victory and provision (Rizq) come because of the weak among us.

That child might be the secret reason you have a job, health, wealth, or safety. They are not the ones dependent on you. You are the one dependent on the blessings that come with their presence in your home.

If this happens to a Muslim, the next move for a father is to be the pillar (Qawwam) for his wife. He must ensure she feels no shame or guilt. He should realize he has been selected to raise a guest of Jannah. This is a promotion in rank, not a tragedy to be avoided.

You are being asked to guard a soul that Allah specifically chose for your house. Your role is to accept the decree (Qadar) and prepare for a unique gate to Paradise that most people will never have the chance to enter.

Allah knows best.

[Ozor Ndi Ozor @OzorNdiOzor]

“Do not hope, Mr. Speaker, that any member of a national assembly is safe to move, not by bandit, not by Boko Haram, by the people that elected you and I. Time will come if action is not taken that Nigerians will take their destinies in their own hands.”

Hon Yusuf Adamu Gadgi

[Nigeria Stories @NigeriaStories]

Bandits can be located if security agencies want to.

~ Former Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Tukur Buratai (rtd) says

[Ziyad Yakubu @Ziyad_yakubu]

Let me tell you something, my friend.

The North’s problem is real. Nobody serious should deny it. The poverty is real. The out-of-school children are real. The insecurity is real. The failure of leadership is real.

But if you want to understand the North, you cannot start the story from “they have had presidents.”

That is too shallow for a region with this much history, geography, trauma, religion, power politics, colonial distortion, elite failure, and security pressure.

The North did not wake up one morning and decide to hate education. There is a history behind that suspicion.

When the British entered Northern Nigeria, they met an already established Islamic political order. There were emirates, courts, scholars, taxation systems, trade routes, Islamic schools, judges, administrators, and a ruling class that already had its own idea of civilization.

Then colonial rule came with Western education, missionary activity, new courts, new administrative structures, and new incentives.

In many parts of the South, Western education entered through mission schools and became a ladder into the colonial economy. In much of the Muslim North, it carried a different meaning. It was not just “school.” It was seen by many as a vehicle for Christian influence, colonial loyalty, cultural erosion, and the weakening of existing Islamic authority.

That stigma did not come from the sky. It came from conquest, mistrust, and the way Western education arrived.

This is why the North’s education problem cannot be reduced to stupidity or laziness. It began partly as a defensive reaction to a real historical threat.

But here is the hard truth: the suspicion has outlived the threat.

A reaction that may have made sense under colonial pressure became destructive when the modern state began rewarding literacy, science, bureaucracy, technology, engineering, and formal administration.

At some point, protecting identity became indistinguishable from trapping children outside the future.

That is where Northern leadership failed badly.

The old Northern elite understood the danger earlier than people admit. Sir Ahmadu Bello did not sit down and say, “Let the North remain backward.” His Northernization agenda was a deliberate attempt to produce Northern teachers, administrators, civil servants, professionals, and political leadership quickly enough to prevent the region from being swallowed inside a new Nigerian state dominated by the already Western-educated South.

That agenda had flaws, but it worked in one important sense: it created a Northern administrative class.

The problem is that later leaders inherited the power but not the developmental seriousness.

They inherited the slogans, the emirates, the titles, the political machinery, and the federal access, but not the discipline of mass education, industrial policy, rural development, teacher training, agricultural modernization, and serious security planning.

So yes, the North has produced presidents.

But producing presidents is not the same as producing development.

Power without developmental discipline becomes distribution. It becomes appointments, contracts, pilgrim boards, federal slots, elite bargaining, and recycled patronage.

And geography also matters.

The North is not sitting beside the Atlantic like Lagos or Port Harcourt. It is tied to the Sahel. It shares long and porous borders with Niger, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin. When Libya collapsed, when weapons spread across the Sahel, when jihadist networks expanded, when climate stress hit pastoral routes, when Lake Chad communities were weakened, when Niger and Mali became unstable, the North inherited those shocks directly.

A farmer in Zamfara, a trader in Maiduguri, a herder around Sokoto, or a community in Katsina is not dealing only with “Nigerian leadership failure.” They are living inside a regional security crisis.

That does not excuse bad leadership. It explains why lazy comparisons are weak.

The North also suffered from the Nigerian resource curse in a particular way. Once oil money became the centre of the Nigerian state, productive regional economies were weakened. Groundnut pyramids, cotton, hides and skins, textiles, agriculture, local industry, and regional planning lost importance. Politics became a struggle for federal allocation instead of a competition to build productive capacity.

The North had land. It had people. It had agriculture. It had trade routes. But the oil state taught every region to look toward Abuja.

That destroyed initiative everywhere, but it damaged the North deeply because its strongest assets required long-term planning: irrigation, agro-processing, education, rural roads, livestock systems, border trade, and security coordination.

Now, after saying all that, responsibility must be accepted.

Northern leaders failed their own people.

They allowed almajiri children to become political decoration instead of a national emergency. They allowed banditry to grow from local criminality into a parallel economy. They allowed schools to decay. They allowed girls’ education to become negotiable. They allowed clerics and politicians to play games with reform. They used poverty as an election structure. They built loyalty through dependence.

That part is true.

But the answer is not to mock the North. The answer is to study what worked before and update it.

Ahmadu Bello’s Northernization agenda can be reimagined for the 21st century.

Not as ethnic exclusion or nostalgia. But as a serious regional human-capital project.

Mass teacher training. Boarding schools in secure zones. Integrated Qur’anic and formal education. Technical colleges tied to agriculture, energy, construction, mining, and logistics. Girls’ education backed by stipends and community negotiation. Agro-industrial clusters around Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Sokoto, Bauchi, Gombe, Niger, and Borno. Livestock modernization instead of pretending open grazing can survive modern population pressure. Border security tied to trade, not just soldiers and checkpoints.

Other societies have faced versions of this problem.

Bangladesh attacked female education with stipends, community-level incentives, and a clear national push. Indonesia did not abolish its Islamic schools; it integrated many of them into a modern education pathway. Malaysia used state policy to expand opportunities for historically disadvantaged Malay communities, though with its own flaws. China took poor inland regions seriously through infrastructure, rural industry, technical training, and state coordination.

The lesson is simple: you do not fix historic backwardness by insults. You fix it with policy, discipline, and elite seriousness.

So yes, my friend, criticize Northern leadership. I do it too.

But do not flatten a whole region into “they had presidents and still failed.”

That is lazy analysis.

The North’s crisis is a product of bad leadership, colonial disruption, educational mistrust, Sahelian geography, oil-state laziness, elite capture, and security collapse.

And the way forward is also clear.

The North must stop hiding behind history.

The South must stop pretending history does not matter.

And Nigeria must understand that if the North remains broken, the country will not be stable, no matter how much one region mocks another online.