In 1979, President Daniel arap Moi pulled one of his classic political surprises he appointed Jaramogi Oginga Odinga as chairman of the Cotton Lint and Seed Marketing Board.
It was Oginga’s first government role since 1966, when he dramatically walked out of Kenyatta’s government and founded KPU, a move that earned him years of political cold. ...
Charles Anam Nyong'o was only 25 years old when he died, full of dreams and ambitions for himself, his family, and his country. He was 10 years younger than his brother, Prof. Anyang Nyong'o.
He had just graduated from the University of Nairobi Business School in 1976, alongside classmates like Joseph Gichigo, Bairu Onesmus among others.
Charles had also enrolled for a Master's degree at the same institution, at a time when such an opportunity was reserved for only a few.
Coming from a family that deeply valued academic success, and inspired by his older siblings, his personal growth was closely tied to education.
After graduating, Charles briefly worked at another company before eventually securing a job with Esso Oil Company as a Sales Executive.
Esso was one of the most prominent oil companies in Kenya at the time, though it gradually faded from the market towards the late 1990s.
Charles was based at the Nairobi head office, but from time to time he would be assigned to other branches across the country for official sales duties.
In 1980, he was sent to address some challenges at the company's Mombasa office. He had no idea that this temporary assignment would cost him his life.
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Lang'ata MP Felix Odiwuor, popularly known as Jalang'o, warns that anyone who shows up to his political events to chant against him will be beaten, while also admitting that he sometimes pays people to attend and even ferries them to the venues.
With Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Bildad Kaggia silenced after they loudly complained about land redistribution, Josiah Mwangi 'JM' Kariuki was the only politician left inside Parliament and the ruling party KANU who would still raise the matter.
More so, his generosity was treated as political show-off by his detractors.
On the 10th anniversary of Kenya’s independence (1973), as Kenyatta was telling the nation of his achievements, JM told Parliament that the country was becoming a nation of ten millionaires and ten million beggars.
Those who disliked JM hardly hid their disdain.
For instance, one evening in December 1974 at Nakuru’s Stags Head hotel, JM was having a drink with Nakuru Town MP Mark Mwithaga, when Kenyatta’s eldest son Peter Muigai entered the hotel accompanied by the garrulous Nakuru mayor, Mburu Gichua.
As Mwithaga later recounted, they minced no words while pointing at JM:
'You have brought trouble here from Nyandarua.
Be warned.
This is Nakuru and we can finish you at any time!'
Muigai and Gichua never even bothered to say hello to them.
They just lectured JM and left leaving the duo shocked.
Kenyatta’s inner circle – and the political power brokers who were mesmerised by newfound wealth – had made sure that JM never reached State House.
The more he was cut from the centre, the angrier he grew at the cabal.
Mwithaga, who was JM’s close friend, was the first to suffer for the association when Attorney-General Charles Mugane Njonjo retrieved an old minor domestic scuffle case and had Mwithaga charged with assault.
He was eventually jailed for one year and he lost his seat.
A month before he was killed, JM is said to have chatted with one of the influential members of GEMA, James Njenga Karume.
As Karume later recounted, 'JM looked disturbed.
He was not the confident man I knew. He began by thanking me for having stood by him in 1974 when a powerful clique wanted GEMA to campaign against him in the 1974 elections.
Then he told me of the plot against his life and his difficulties in reaching Kenyatta......'
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In 2005, Jimmy Wanjigi swore to kîļl John Githongo for exposing theft inside Kibaki’s government.
After Kibaki won in 2002, he promised his administration would end 24 years of Moi era corruption.
To prove it he appointed John Githongo as PS for Governance and Ethics to lead the war on graft.
Githongo started by investigating Kibaki himself and his inner circle.
He exposed the Anglo Leasing scandal where billions were paid to shell companies for phantom projects.
There was 3.4 billion passport deal, 4 billion forensic lab that never existed, and 4 billion navy ship. All were overpriced and fake.
The proceeds were meant for kickbacks to fund NARC’s 2005 constitutional referendum and Kibaki’s 2007 re-election campaigns. ...
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Three days later, after meeting Dr. Leakey in his office and offloading his frustrations on him, President Moi announced that he was going to make some changes.
In fact, he said, he had already made them.
He had replaced four members of the Dream Team with immediate effect, as was the norm in those days.
They were Dr. Leakey, Martin Luke Oduor-Otieno, Titus ole Naikuni and, by extension, Kitili Mbathi.
At the time, an International Commonwealth Investments Conference was taking place at the KICC, opposite Martin’s office at the Treasury.
The Minister for Trade was Nicholas Biwott, a close aide of Moi and one of the most powerful members of the Cabinet.
In that capacity, Biwott had invited members of the Dream Team to mingle, network and talk to delegates at the forum.
They were requested to attend in their full capacities and use the opportunity to convince investors that they were turning around the national economy.
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When Daniel arap Moi was Vice-President and Nicholas Kipyator Biwott his personal assistant (PA), the latter used to complain aloud that people in Mount Kenya region - and those in Nandi, Kericho and Uasin Gishu districts - had no respect for the VP (allegedly) because they had money.
'Rich people don’t obey and have no regard for authority', Biwott used to complain.
Former Eldoret North MP Reuben Chesire recalled one evening at Eldoret Sirikwa Hotel when Biwott unleashed in a torrent of anger.
'You people have no respect for us because you have money and we don’t!
Wait until we get to power and we make the donkey catch up with the horse!'
He believes that was the 'philosophy' behind the killing of the KFA, a fate that would soon befall other institutions and individual enterprises where there was money that the 'system' — rather the 'boss' — didn’t control.
Henceforth, it was the boss, also called HEDAM, who would decide which Kenyan should have money in the pocket and how much, and the boss would take it away when he felt like it!
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This is the second time. First, it was Somalia's Deputy PM travelling on a Kenyan passport. Now we have a Cabinet minister travelling on a Kenyan passport. What is this MADNESS? Does Somalia's former President @HassanSMohamud also travel on a Kenyan passport?
Some years back, Omingo Magara was elected on an ODM ticket in 2007 as the South Mugirango MP. The noisy politician from Kisii beats all the odds and wins a hotly contested election against Gusii's political party, FORD PEOPLE.
Gusii by then,considered Raila Odinga and his ODM as an enemy who betrayed their man, Nyachae in 2002 and endorsed Kibaki.
Subsequently,Magara's opponents go to the high court in Kisii to challenge his election and after post election violence,nusu mkate government formed and Raila rewards Omingo Magara with the assistant minister for trade.
Hapo kati kati,Omingo with his sharp mouth begins to bring mdomo kwa Raila. He sees a gap in Gusii land and feels powerful to be a kingpin.
Ja South Mugirango then joins Raila Odinga's enemies in the government. Raila's main enemy is VP Kalonzo Musyoka. Ja Mugirango decides to take baba headon even if Raila addresses William Samoei Ruto, Ja Mugirango emaduoko baba. Baba as Prime Minister tries to correct Ruto, also an ODM member and minister for Agriculture but Magara defends Ruto.
Raila was ignoring because he was nobody, if anything, Magara won because S. Mugirango boarders luoland so many luos voted for him. But the guy just wanted to provoke baba to get sympathy from Gusii land like Ruto was getting sympathy from Kalenjins because Raila was mistreating him. So baba literally built Ruto during the nusu mkate government.
So when baba so that it was too much and Magara had joined Kibaka, Kalonzo, Uhuru and Ruto to teach Raila a lesson,the same government ate Magara. Kibaki men then remembered that Omingo had a case in 2007 which challenged his election in the Kisii high court.
That's why I do say the government has everybody's file. They resurrected the case and used judge Musinga to send Omingo to another mini election.
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On 3 December 2023, former Member of Parliament for Bungoma South (now Kanduyi) and Bumala Lawrence Simiyu Sifuna died.
Mr Sifuna, 77, died while receiving treatment at an Eldoret hospital after suffering stroke.
Lawrence Sifuna was the brother of the Nairobi senator's father (or just uncle), Vincent Watenya Sifuna.
The former lawmaker was known for his passionate advocacy for the rights of sugar cane farmers in Bungoma County.
Born on 23 January 1946, Mr Sifuna was the first MP for Bumula Constituency from 1979 to 1988.
A trained chartered accountant, Sifuna was a Fellow of Chartered Accountants and a Fellow of the Association of International Accountants.
One of Sifuna’s notable achievements was his advocacy for the welfare of sugar cane farmers in Bungoma County.
He passionately fought for their rights and worked to improve their living conditions.
He was also known as a left-wing member of parliament in the 1980s.
He fearlessly challenged former Attorney General Charles Mugane Njonjo and criticised government policies that violated the basic human rights of Kenyans.
On 12 January 2017, the family of retired Chief of General Staff General Mahmoud Mohammed Barrow cautioned the then Garissa Township MP Aden Duale against dragging the retired military commander’s name into Jubilee Party politics.
Speaking through former Cabinet minister Hussein Maalim, the general’s younger brother, the family said remarks attributed to Duale during the burial of former nominated MP Mark Too did not represent their position.
In comments widely interpreted as being directed at Baringo Senator Gideon Moi, Duale reportedly said:
'Sisi kama jamii ya wafugaji tulimbeba baba yako kwa mgongo kwa miaka mingi. Mimi ule mzee nimeoa msichana wake General Mohammed, alitoa baba yako kwa kichaka 1982 coup.....'
(We, the pastoralist community, supported your father [retired President Daniel arap Moi] for many years. I am married to General Mohammed’s daughter, who saved your father during the 1982 attempted coup.)
General Mahmoud Mohammed played a pivotal role in suppressing the failed 1 August 982 coup attempt against President Daniel arap Moi’s government, an action that helped restore constitutional order.
Reacting to Duale’s remarks, Hussein Maalim, then chairman of the Ewaso Ng’iro North Development Authority, described the statements as reckless and inappropriate.
He stressed that the Mohammed family should not be drawn into partisan political contests or be used to advance political narratives.
The family maintained that General Mahmoud Mohammed’s distinguished military service belonged to the nation and should remain above political debate.
President Daniel Moi, then Chancellor of Kenyatta University, places the doctoral hood on a PhD graduand during the University's 17th Graduation Ceremony on October 18, 2002, assisted by Vice Chancellor Prof. George Eshiwani.
Back in those days, earning a degree was practically a state event requiring the full deployment of the Presidential Press Service, the Red Brigade, and enough police brass to invade a small island nation. When you finally stood before Baba Moi, you were one of a chosen few. The Commander-in-Chief himself had to personally crown your skull before society recognized you as a human being of intellect.
And the reward? Royal treatment. You walked out of that pavilion with a framed parchment and a sense of duty so heavy it gave you a slight hunch. Better yet, the Public Service or a multinational corporate entity was practically waiting at the gate with an appointment letter, a decent salary, and a company car already warming up its engine.
Fast forward to our enlightened present, and the entire circus has received a thoroughly modern upgrade. These days, the regal majesty of the university convocation has been generously democratized. You no longer need the Head of State to crown your academic journey when any certificate-peddling charlatan running a fellowship from a converted iron-sheet structure can happily do the honours. Graduation ceremonies have drifted from the grandeur of university campuses to hired tents pitched on dusty roadside plots, where the only neighbouring faculties are a hardware shop, an M-Pesa kiosk, and a butchery.
As for the degrees themselves? Why bother with four years of grueling research when a quick transaction at a downtown printing bureau or an expedited WhatsApp transaction can make you a "Doctor of Humanities" by lunchtime?
The velvet hoods are now bought off the rack, the dissertations are drafted by overworked freelancers in cyber cafés, and the only thing waiting for you at the gate after the brass band stops playing is a waiting taxi app, three unread betting tips, and a polite request to clear your uncle’s soft loan. Progress, as they say, is truly a sight to behold.
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Exonerated
He was there when the complaint was made,
there when the officers were sent,
there when the journey began,
there when every movement was reported.
He was there when Albert was taken,
there when power became a weapon,
there when a young man was dragged far from home,
there when fear was meant to serve as an example.
Then Albert died.
Suddenly, the chain broke.
The briefings vanished.
The orders became whispers.
The senior man became a stranger.
Junior officers were left holding the blood,
while the powerful washed their hands
and called it exoneration.
But how do you clear the man
who stood at every door
until death entered the room?
How do you erase his shadow
from a story where it followed Albert
from the complaint
to the arrest
to the final breath?
They may clear his name on paper,
but Kenyans can still read the trail.
You cannot be present at every step,
then disappear only when the body appears.
#ArrestEliudLagat
Why did Eliud Lagat turn a defamation complaint into a criminal police operation instead of going to court like any other citizen?
A Deputy Inspector General is expected to understand the law, use his brains and know that defamation is challenged through evidence, lawyers and the courts, not by sending officers to arrest someone and transport him across the country.
So what exactly was the intention behind using police power against Albert Ojwang?
Because once a defamation matter ends with the accused dead in custody, Kenyans have every right to ask whether the goal was ever justice or death.
#ArrestEliudLagat