Emmanuel Bright

@nexluthor1

Joined April 2017

1.5K Following

1.5K Followers

2.8K Posts

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

11 days ago

@MrCharlesky I'm interested

nexluthor1 retweeted

Ziyad Yakubu

@Ziyad_yakubu

19 days ago

There was a time in Nigeria when the man carrying a sewing machine on his shoulder was called Obioma. Because almost all the artisanal tailors were Easterners of Igbo descent. After the Civil War, many Easterners emerged from one of the most devastating chapters in Nigerian history with almost nothing but skill, mobility, discipline, and a survival instinct. Some carried sewing machines from street to street, patching clothes, repairing trousers, adjusting school uniforms, and moving from compound to compound looking for work. That image became so common that the name stuck. Obioma. A man with a sewing machine on his shoulder, moving under the sun and doing work many people looked down on. But the same people who were once reduced in the public imagination to street tailoring slowly began to move. From roadside tailoring to shops. From shops to markets. From markets to importation. From importation to manufacturing. From apprenticeship to industrial clusters. From survival to ownership. Go to Nnewi. Go to Aba. Go to Onitsha. Go to Alaba. Go to Ladipo. Go to Ariaria. You will still see poverty, struggle, disorder, bad roads, poor power supply, and all the normal Nigerian problems. Nobody is pretending the Southeast has become Singapore. But you will also see something powerful. You will see a people who took humiliation, displacement, and economic ruin and built a survival machine around trade, apprenticeship, mobility, and family capital. And this is what makes my heart sink as a Northerner. Today, the mai guard, mai ruwa, mai shayi, mai kaya, shoe repairer, the man pushing a wheelbarrow, carrying loads, shining shoes, patching clothes, riding okada, clearing construction sites, packing refuse, digging soakaway pits, hawking small goods, or sleeping beside a kiosk in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Ibadan, Onitsha, and other cities is often called "Aboki." That is the story we don't want to face. One people moved from grass to grace. Another moved from grace to grass. This is not to take anything away from the Igbo people. I have nothing but admiration for them. And it is not an insult to the Hausa people or to menial jobs. I am a proud son of Arewa, and in Arewa we do not look down on any vocation earned through halal means. This is a history lesson. Now look at us in the North. We did not begin from the bottom. Long before colonial Nigeria existed, Kano was already one of the great commercial cities of West Africa. Merchants from Tripoli, Fez, Agadez, Timbuktu, and Bornu passed through its markets. Caravans crossed the Sahara carrying leather goods, textiles, kola nuts, salt, and livestock. The city walls of Kano were not built around a village. They were built around a thriving urban economy that connected West Africa to North Africa. We had cities that were centres of commerce when many parts of modern Nigeria were still organized around smaller local economies. We had emirates that provided administration, taxation, courts, and political order across vast territories. We had centres of Islamic scholarship that attracted students from across the region. In places like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, and Borno, generations of scholars produced manuscripts and taught jurisprudence, theology, grammar, astronomy, and history. The reputation of northern scholarship travelled far beyond Nigeria's borders. We had trade routes that linked us to the wider world. For centuries, merchants moved goods across the Sahara and across the savannah belt. Northern markets were not isolated local markets. They were part of international commercial networks. We had cattle wealth on a scale few regions could match. Fulani pastoralists moved millions of cattle across grazing routes stretching from Senegal to Cameroon. Livestock was not merely food. It was wealth, trade, transport, status, and economic security. We had one of the most respected leather industries in Africa. Kano leather was famous across the continent. Tanned hides from northern Nigeria found their way into trans-Saharan commerce and international markets. The famous red goatskin known as Morocco leather often originated from skins processed through West African leather networks in which Kano played a major role. We had textile industries that employed thousands long before modern factories arrived. Hand-spun cotton was woven into cloth across northern towns. Entire communities depended on spinning, weaving, dyeing, trading, and transporting textiles. We had the famous dye pits of Kano. Not one or two pits. Dozens of them. For centuries, the Kofar Mata dye pits transformed locally woven cloth into richly coloured fabrics using indigo. Traders came from different parts of West Africa to buy these textiles. The dye pits became one of the oldest continuously operating industrial sites on the continent. They supported craftsmen, traders, transporters, farmers growing indigo, and entire commercial networks built around textile production. We had the groundnut economy. There was a time when the groundnut pyramids of Kano were not merely tourist attractions on postcards. They were symbols of enormous agricultural wealth. Thousands of farmers cultivated groundnuts across the North. Rail lines carried produce southward for export. Groundnut exports generated foreign exchange, supported industries, created jobs, and helped finance government revenues. The pyramids themselves represented mountains of produce waiting to enter global markets. And if we move into the colonial and post-colonial era, the advantages become even harder to ignore. We had numbers. The North occupies roughly three-quarters of Nigeria's landmass. Depending on how one defines the region, the nineteen northern states account for well over half of Nigeria's population. Kano State alone has a population larger than many African countries. We had manpower. For decades, millions of young people entered the labour force every year. We were not a small minority struggling to find relevance. We were one of the largest demographic blocs in Africa. We had land. Hundreds of thousands of square kilometres of territory stretching across the Sudan and Sahel savannahs. Land suitable for millet, sorghum, maize, rice, cotton, groundnuts, and livestock. Land crossed by major river systems such as the Niger and Benue, and supported by irrigation projects in several states. We had agricultural potential that many countries would envy. We had political influence. From independence onward, northern politicians, military officers, civil servants, traditional rulers, and power brokers occupied some of the most influential positions in the Nigerian state for long periods. Prime ministers. Heads of state. Presidents. Military rulers. Senior ministers. Powerful bureaucrats. Influential legislators. Whether one likes that fact or not, the North was never politically invisible. We had religious authority. The Sultanate of Sokoto remains one of the most influential Islamic institutions in Africa. The emirates commanded legitimacy that extended beyond politics. Mosques, Islamic schools, scholars, judges, and religious networks shaped social life across millions of households. We had institutions. Not perfect institutions. But institutions nonetheless. Emirate councils. Traditional courts. Islamic learning centres. Agricultural boards. Marketing boards. Regional administrations. Cooperative systems. Educational establishments. Commercial associations. Structures that survived for generations. We had a head start. That is what makes the present situation so painful. Because today, when millions of young Hausa and northern boys enter any big city, what work are many of them known for? These boys are not lazy. A lazy man does not leave Kano, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, Jigawa, Bauchi, Kebbi, or Borno and sleep under a bridge in Lagos just to survive. A lazy man does not push water from street to street. A lazy man does not carry cement until his back bends. A lazy man does not guard another man's house all night and still open a kiosk by morning. The problem is not laziness. The problem is that too many of our people enter the modern economy from the lowest possible point. No certificate. No skill that scales. No capital. No protection. No formal training. No strong educational foundation. No industrial ladder waiting for them. So they sell their bodies first. Their backs. Their hands. Their legs. Their sleep. Their youth. That is the real tragedy. The Igbo Obioma story became a ladder because it was connected to apprenticeship, trade discipline, family networks, and commercial ambition. The Hausa Aboki story too often becomes a trap because it is connected to poverty, broken schooling, rural collapse, insecurity, and survival migration. One system turns a boy into a trader. The other turns a boy into cheap labour or, worse, a recruitment ground for terrorism. This is the painful contrast. The Southeast came out of war and produced commercial networks. The North came out of power and produced surplus labour. That sentence is harsh, but look around before you reject it. Who is carrying the load? Who is guarding the gate? Who is pushing the cart? Who is fetching the water? Who is sleeping in the market? Who is leaving the village because bandits have made farming impossible? Who is entering the city with nothing but strength? If the answer to all the questions above is Arewa youth, then you must not be offended by the diagnosis. Instead, start asking your leaders the harder questions. Because what is happening to Arewa is a failure of social organization. We shield our leaders too much and outsource criticism of them. Our fathers inherited a civilization. Too many of our boys inherited migration. Our fathers inherited functioning economic systems. Too many of our boys inherited survival. Our fathers participated in trade networks stretching across continents. Too many of our boys participate only in daily labour markets. Our fathers built industries around leather, textiles, livestock, agriculture, and commerce. Too many of our boys now rent out their muscles by the day. And the painful thing is that the word Aboki, which originally means "friend," now, in the mouth of the Nigerian city, often becomes a class marker. It becomes a way of saying: the northern poor man who does the work nobody respects but everybody needs. That should break our hearts. Not because the work is shameful. No honest work is shameful. What is shameful is that a whole region with history, population, religious authority, political influence, institutions, agricultural potential, and vast territory keeps producing young people whose first contact with the economy is desperation. This is why history matters. The question is not whether the Igbo are better than the Hausa. That is a childish argument. The real question is: what system turns hardship into enterprise, and what system turns heritage into dependency? Because poverty alone does not explain everything. War did not stop the Igbo from building trade networks. Lack of oil did not stop Nnewi from producing industrialists. Bad Nigerian roads did not stop Aba from becoming a manufacturing symbol. Weak government did not stop apprenticeship from creating business owners. So what stopped us? What happened to the North that inherited thriving cities, trans-Saharan commerce, respected scholarship, textile industries, leather industries, livestock wealth, agricultural exports, demographic strength, political influence, and enormous land resources? How did a people with so much historical structure produce so many young men with so little modern preparation? That is the conversation we need. Not insults. Not denial. Not ethnic pride. Not hiding behind "our culture." Not pretending every criticism is hatred. The Obioma story should humble us. Because it shows that a people can begin with a sewing machine on the shoulder and still build a commercial ladder. The Aboki story should disturb us. Because it shows that a people can begin with history on their side and still end up supplying cheap labour to other people's cities. That is the mirror. Igbo moved from Obioma to enterprise. Hausa must not remain trapped inside Aboki survival. The North needs a ladder.

Ziyad_yakubu's tweet photo. There was a time in Nigeria when the man carrying a sewing machine on his shoulder was called Obioma.

Because almost all the artisanal tailors were Easterners of Igbo descent.

After the Civil War, many Easterners emerged from one of the most devastating chapters in Nigerian history with almost nothing but skill, mobility, discipline, and a survival instinct.

Some carried sewing machines from street to street, patching clothes, repairing trousers, adjusting school uniforms, and moving from compound to compound looking for work.

That image became so common that the name stuck.

Obioma.

A man with a sewing machine on his shoulder, moving under the sun and doing work many people looked down on.

But the same people who were once reduced in the public imagination to street tailoring slowly began to move.

From roadside tailoring to shops.

From shops to markets.

From markets to importation.

From importation to manufacturing.

From apprenticeship to industrial clusters.

From survival to ownership.

Go to Nnewi.

Go to Aba.

Go to Onitsha.

Go to Alaba.

Go to Ladipo.

Go to Ariaria.

You will still see poverty, struggle, disorder, bad roads, poor power supply, and all the normal Nigerian problems. Nobody is pretending the Southeast has become Singapore.

But you will also see something powerful.

You will see a people who took humiliation, displacement, and economic ruin and built a survival machine around trade, apprenticeship, mobility, and family capital.

And this is what makes my heart sink as a Northerner.

Today, the mai guard, mai ruwa, mai shayi, mai kaya, shoe repairer, the man pushing a wheelbarrow, carrying loads, shining shoes, patching clothes, riding okada, clearing construction sites, packing refuse, digging soakaway pits, hawking small goods, or sleeping beside a kiosk in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Ibadan, Onitsha, and other cities is often called "Aboki."

That is the story we don't want to face.

One people moved from grass to grace.

Another moved from grace to grass.

This is not to take anything away from the Igbo people. I have nothing but admiration for them.

And it is not an insult to the Hausa people or to menial jobs. I am a proud son of Arewa, and in Arewa we do not look down on any vocation earned through halal means.

This is a history lesson.

Now look at us in the North.

We did not begin from the bottom.

Long before colonial Nigeria existed, Kano was already one of the great commercial cities of West Africa. Merchants from Tripoli, Fez, Agadez, Timbuktu, and Bornu passed through its markets. Caravans crossed the Sahara carrying leather goods, textiles, kola nuts, salt, and livestock. The city walls of Kano were not built around a village. They were built around a thriving urban economy that connected West Africa to North Africa.

We had cities that were centres of commerce when many parts of modern Nigeria were still organized around smaller local economies.

We had emirates that provided administration, taxation, courts, and political order across vast territories.

We had centres of Islamic scholarship that attracted students from across the region. In places like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, and Borno, generations of scholars produced manuscripts and taught jurisprudence, theology, grammar, astronomy, and history. The reputation of northern scholarship travelled far beyond Nigeria's borders.

We had trade routes that linked us to the wider world. For centuries, merchants moved goods across the Sahara and across the savannah belt. Northern markets were not isolated local markets. They were part of international commercial networks.

We had cattle wealth on a scale few regions could match. Fulani pastoralists moved millions of cattle across grazing routes stretching from Senegal to Cameroon. Livestock was not merely food. It was wealth, trade, transport, status, and economic security.

We had one of the most respected leather industries in Africa. Kano leather was famous across the continent. Tanned hides from northern Nigeria found their way into trans-Saharan commerce and international markets. The famous red goatskin known as Morocco leather often originated from skins processed through West African leather networks in which Kano played a major role.

We had textile industries that employed thousands long before modern factories arrived. Hand-spun cotton was woven into cloth across northern towns. Entire communities depended on spinning, weaving, dyeing, trading, and transporting textiles.

We had the famous dye pits of Kano.

Not one or two pits.

Dozens of them.

For centuries, the Kofar Mata dye pits transformed locally woven cloth into richly coloured fabrics using indigo. Traders came from different parts of West Africa to buy these textiles. The dye pits became one of the oldest continuously operating industrial sites on the continent. They supported craftsmen, traders, transporters, farmers growing indigo, and entire commercial networks built around textile production.

We had the groundnut economy.

There was a time when the groundnut pyramids of Kano were not merely tourist attractions on postcards.

They were symbols of enormous agricultural wealth.

Thousands of farmers cultivated groundnuts across the North. Rail lines carried produce southward for export. Groundnut exports generated foreign exchange, supported industries, created jobs, and helped finance government revenues. The pyramids themselves represented mountains of produce waiting to enter global markets.

And if we move into the colonial and post-colonial era, the advantages become even harder to ignore.

We had numbers.

The North occupies roughly three-quarters of Nigeria's landmass. Depending on how one defines the region, the nineteen northern states account for well over half of Nigeria's population. Kano State alone has a population larger than many African countries.

We had manpower.

For decades, millions of young people entered the labour force every year. We were not a small minority struggling to find relevance. We were one of the largest demographic blocs in Africa.

We had land.

Hundreds of thousands of square kilometres of territory stretching across the Sudan and Sahel savannahs.

Land suitable for millet, sorghum, maize, rice, cotton, groundnuts, and livestock.

Land crossed by major river systems such as the Niger and Benue, and supported by irrigation projects in several states.

We had agricultural potential that many countries would envy.

We had political influence.

From independence onward, northern politicians, military officers, civil servants, traditional rulers, and power brokers occupied some of the most influential positions in the Nigerian state for long periods.

Prime ministers.

Heads of state.

Presidents.

Military rulers.

Senior ministers.

Powerful bureaucrats.

Influential legislators.

Whether one likes that fact or not, the North was never politically invisible.

We had religious authority.

The Sultanate of Sokoto remains one of the most influential Islamic institutions in Africa.

The emirates commanded legitimacy that extended beyond politics.

Mosques, Islamic schools, scholars, judges, and religious networks shaped social life across millions of households.

We had institutions.

Not perfect institutions.

But institutions nonetheless.

Emirate councils.

Traditional courts.

Islamic learning centres.

Agricultural boards.

Marketing boards.

Regional administrations.

Cooperative systems.

Educational establishments.

Commercial associations.

Structures that survived for generations.

We had a head start.

That is what makes the present situation so painful.

Because today, when millions of young Hausa and northern boys enter any big city, what work are many of them known for?

These boys are not lazy.

A lazy man does not leave Kano, Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, Jigawa, Bauchi, Kebbi, or Borno and sleep under a bridge in Lagos just to survive.

A lazy man does not push water from street to street.

A lazy man does not carry cement until his back bends.

A lazy man does not guard another man's house all night and still open a kiosk by morning.

The problem is not laziness.

The problem is that too many of our people enter the modern economy from the lowest possible point.

No certificate.

No skill that scales.

No capital.

No protection.

No formal training.

No strong educational foundation.

No industrial ladder waiting for them.

So they sell their bodies first.

Their backs.

Their hands.

Their legs.

Their sleep.

Their youth.

That is the real tragedy.

The Igbo Obioma story became a ladder because it was connected to apprenticeship, trade discipline, family networks, and commercial ambition.

The Hausa Aboki story too often becomes a trap because it is connected to poverty, broken schooling, rural collapse, insecurity, and survival migration.

One system turns a boy into a trader.

The other turns a boy into cheap labour or, worse, a recruitment ground for terrorism.

This is the painful contrast.

The Southeast came out of war and produced commercial networks.

The North came out of power and produced surplus labour.

That sentence is harsh, but look around before you reject it.

Who is carrying the load?

Who is guarding the gate?

Who is pushing the cart?

Who is fetching the water?

Who is sleeping in the market?

Who is leaving the village because bandits have made farming impossible?

Who is entering the city with nothing but strength?

If the answer to all the questions above is Arewa youth, then you must not be offended by the diagnosis. Instead, start asking your leaders the harder questions.

Because what is happening to Arewa is a failure of social organization. We shield our leaders too much and outsource criticism of them.

Our fathers inherited a civilization.

Too many of our boys inherited migration.

Our fathers inherited functioning economic systems.

Too many of our boys inherited survival.

Our fathers participated in trade networks stretching across continents.

Too many of our boys participate only in daily labour markets.

Our fathers built industries around leather, textiles, livestock, agriculture, and commerce.

Too many of our boys now rent out their muscles by the day.

And the painful thing is that the word Aboki, which originally means "friend," now, in the mouth of the Nigerian city, often becomes a class marker.

It becomes a way of saying: the northern poor man who does the work nobody respects but everybody needs.

That should break our hearts.

Not because the work is shameful.

No honest work is shameful.

What is shameful is that a whole region with history, population, religious authority, political influence, institutions, agricultural potential, and vast territory keeps producing young people whose first contact with the economy is desperation.

This is why history matters.

The question is not whether the Igbo are better than the Hausa.

That is a childish argument.

The real question is: what system turns hardship into enterprise, and what system turns heritage into dependency?

Because poverty alone does not explain everything.

War did not stop the Igbo from building trade networks.

Lack of oil did not stop Nnewi from producing industrialists.

Bad Nigerian roads did not stop Aba from becoming a manufacturing symbol.

Weak government did not stop apprenticeship from creating business owners.

So what stopped us?

What happened to the North that inherited thriving cities, trans-Saharan commerce, respected scholarship, textile industries, leather industries, livestock wealth, agricultural exports, demographic strength, political influence, and enormous land resources?

How did a people with so much historical structure produce so many young men with so little modern preparation?

That is the conversation we need.

Not insults.

Not denial.

Not ethnic pride.

Not hiding behind "our culture."

Not pretending every criticism is hatred.

The Obioma story should humble us.

Because it shows that a people can begin with a sewing machine on the shoulder and still build a commercial ladder.

The Aboki story should disturb us.

Because it shows that a people can begin with history on their side and still end up supplying cheap labour to other people's cities.

That is the mirror.

Igbo moved from Obioma to enterprise.

Hausa must not remain trapped inside Aboki survival.

The North needs a ladder.

692

169K

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

19 days ago

In Nigeria we can say, the government of the day allowed a government at night. Both governments don't care for the citizens. 🫩🫩

nexluthor1 retweeted

Anish Moonka

@anishmoonka

30 days ago

Mark Cuban sold his company to Yahoo for $5.7 billion in 1999. Overnight, he was a billionaire. There was just one problem: Yahoo paid him in its own stock, he was banned from selling it for six months, and that stock was sitting on a bubble that was about to pop. So he was a billionaire who couldn't actually reach his money. He owned 14.6 million shares of Yahoo, worth around $1.4 billion, and he couldn't turn a single one into cash. Even after the six months ran out, selling them was its own trap. Nobody buys 14.6 million shares at once. The second he started dumping that much stock, the price would slide before he finished, dragging his fortune down with it. Here is what he did instead. He bought insurance on his own stock. You can buy a contract that locks in a guaranteed price someone has to pay you for your shares later. Cuban locked his in at $85 each. From then on, no matter how far Yahoo fell, he could still sell at $85 and walk away with more than a billion dollars. The problem is that this kind of protection costs money, and insuring $1.4 billion is expensive. He covered the cost in a strange way. He sold off his claim to Yahoo's biggest gains. He signed a second contract that said if the stock ever climbed past $205, someone else could buy his shares at that price and keep anything above it. He was betting it would never get there, and the money from that bet paid for his insurance almost exactly. The whole setup cost him nothing. For a while, he looked like a fool. Yahoo kept climbing, blew past $205, and ran all the way to about $237. He had locked himself out of a fortune in gains, right at the top. Then the bubble burst. Yahoo went into freefall and crashed to roughly $13. Almost everyone holding it got wiped out. Cuban's $85 floor held the entire way down, and he walked off with his money still in his pocket. The company that set all of this in motion never made it. Yahoo killed Broadcast .com in 2002, three years after paying $5.7 billion for it. Yahoo itself was sold off in 2017 for about $4.5 billion, less than it once paid for Cuban's company alone. Selling made him a billionaire on paper. The insurance trade is the only reason he kept it.

109

876

Who to follow

Ezejimmadu U. Daniel🌟🀄️♦️ 👑

@Ezeji_Daniel147

Aspirant: Ideato South House of Assembly 2027 Member #OKMovement #Obidient Member #NDC #PeterObi South East Coordinator #HOMEBOYSMOVEMENT

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

about 1 month ago

@MrCharlesky I'm interested pls. Send the link.

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

about 1 month ago

@MrCharlesky @aproko_Nurse Pls send me the link

nexluthor1 retweeted

The Shift Journal

@TheShiftJournal

about 1 month ago

The power of writing things down

851

114K

nexluthor1 retweeted

Reads with Ravi

@readswithravi

2 months ago

“In order to be successful, you have to make sure that being rejected doesn't bother you at all.” — Bill Ackman

182K

nexluthor1 retweeted

Men of Purpose

@Men_Of_Purpose

3 months ago

I’ve listened to this more than 42 times. Oh boy what a message!!!!🔥🔥

274K

nexluthor1 retweeted

Algeria FC

@Algeria_FC

3 months ago

Trophies are won on the pitch 🇸🇳⭐️⭐️

403K

61K

nexluthor1 retweeted

Kalshi Finance

@Kalshi_Finance

3 months ago

Amazon just confirmed 16,000 layoffs but sources inside are telling me the real story is so much worse Word from three different VPs: the 16K number is just "Phase One" - internal docs show another 14,000 cuts planned for Q2 A director in AWS walked me through their new "efficiency matrix" - entire teams being replaced by 2-3 senior engineers running Claude Sonnet workflows The Alexa division got completely hollowed out. 847 engineers two months ago. 23 remaining after this week. All hardware development moved to a Bangalore team of 31 contractors with Cursor access Here's the sick part: they're making the outgoing engineers document their entire decision-making process into "knowledge transfer sessions" that are being recorded and fed directly into training datasets One L7 told me he spent his final two weeks creating detailed prompt libraries and workflow documentation. Thought he was being helpful for the transition Turns out he was literally training the AI agent that replaced his entire org The contractors offshore are using his exact prompts and shipping features 40% faster than his old team of 12 Americans ever did Internal Slack shows leadership celebrating "operational excellence" while badges get deactivated in real-time They're calling it "right-sizing for the AI era" in the all-hands But the P&L sheets I'm seeing show $280M in salary savings this quarter alone The knowledge extraction is complete If you're still at Amazon and haven't started job hunting, you're already dead

559

12K

nexluthor1 retweeted

Leaders 𝕏 Junction

@LeadersJunction

4 months ago

He literally explained the benefits of writing things down‼️‼️

504

92K

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

5 months ago

@SeongWooIQ300 done

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

5 months ago

@anjum_ai YouTube

nexluthor1 retweeted

Tansu Yegen

@TansuYegen

5 months ago

“You may be the last to be blessed, but that delay often prepares you to lead everyone else.” ~ James Baldwin

114

16K

771K

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

5 months ago

@Nas_tech_AI YT

nexluthor1 retweeted

Nas

@Nas_tech_AI

5 months ago

A YouTuber earns: 1K views = $3 10K views = $30 100K views = $300 1M views = $3,000 10M views = $30,000 100M views = $300,000+ Learn to earn this with a Faceless YouTube Channel. Get my PROVEN Guide 100% FREE! 1. Follow (Must) 2. Like and Retweet 3. Reply "YT"

Nas_tech_AI's tweet photo. A YouTuber earns:

1K views = $3
10K views = $30
100K views = $300
1M views = $3,000
10M views = $30,000
100M views = $300,000+

Learn to earn this with a Faceless YouTube Channel. Get my PROVEN Guide 100% FREE!

1. Follow (Must)
2. Like and Retweet
3. Reply "YT" https://t.co/9JCiPA16j8

170

683

196

351

54K

Emmanuel Bright @nexluthor1

5 months ago

@Code_Siam SEND

nexluthor1 retweeted

SantrexAI

@Code_SantrexAI

5 months ago

All Paid Courses — 100% FREE (Part 3) I'm giving you access to 81+ free courses. 👌👇 1. Social Media Marketing 2. Android App Development 3. Facebook Ads 4. SEO 5. Google Ads 6. Content Writing 7. Graphic Designing 8. Video Editing 9. Web Development 10. Hacking and more with 73+ courses. To get, just: - Comment "SEND" - Like & Retweet - Follow me (so that I can DM)

Code_SantrexAI's tweet photo. All Paid Courses — 100% FREE (Part 3)

I'm giving you access to 81+ free courses. 👌👇

1. Social Media Marketing
2. Android App Development
3. Facebook Ads
4. SEO
5. Google Ads
6. Content Writing
7. Graphic Designing
8. Video Editing
9. Web Development
10. Hacking and more with 73+ courses.

To get, just:
- Comment "SEND"
- Like & Retweet
- Follow me (so that I can DM)

916

466

520

100K

Emmanuel Bright

@nexluthor1

Who to follow

Last Seen Users on Sotwe

Trends for you

Most Popular Users