Yaa Asantewaa

Yah Asantewaa Chief of Staff

[Mbuyiseni Ndlozi @MbuyiseniNdlozi]

Touch down 🛬 Tehran, for the farewell ceremony of Iranian Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei

[IDYAN' ENECEBO @Idyanikuwe]

@AdvoBarryRoux The Zulu brothers are never beating the tribalism allegations. They think it is so normal to be a tribalist he's not even trying to insult her its just how he was raised to be like a tribalist

[Onie @Onie90396982]

@AdvoBarryRoux But why does he keep asking her, do you have a permit, do you have a passport when she clearly indicated she's from https://t.co/jzjnDNFclU she must have a permit to be in Gauteng? This is slowly sliding into a war of tribes.And the brother missed geography lessons no doubt.

[malume_D @dmoney811]

@AdvoBarryRoux Julius Malema warned when you are done with Nigerians, when you are done with Mozambicans and Zimbabweans and Zambians, you are going to go for Shangaan from Giyani
We are getting there

[Manuel @manuelnhamo]

@dabskays Ichokwadi ichocho. Inonguva vana vekumusha ngatibatanei semabvuku netafara. Ngatibatsiranei nekurwirana and forget our differences semakudo. Pese pawaona mwana wevhu aripatight batsira zvisina mibvunzo yakawandisa

[Favoured @favouredruru]

@daddyhope Removing Munangagwa and replacing him with General is like taking a Boar from the swamp and washing it with shampoo soaking it in sweet smelling bath salts then buying the most expensive perfume for it. The problem in Zimbabwe is rooted in System of governance!!

[Hopewell Chin’ono @daddyhope]

The tragedy of Zimbabwean politics is that there is reality, and then there are aspirations, aspirations that often drift into political delusions that hope for miracles. Too often, our people choose the latter. Instead of confronting the hard political realities before us, they cling to the hope that events will somehow unfold in their favour miraculously, regardless of the evidence saying otherwise.

I have listened carefully to Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga’s latest remarks, given to us through a parable of Lazarus and the other biblical analogies he has shared at different intervals. He has demonstrated that he understands religion, reads the Bible extensively, and is comfortable using scripture to communicate political ideas and messages to the Zimbabwean citizenry. That, however, does not change our political reality.

In 2017, General Chiwenga successfully marshalled the military, worked hand in glove with other senior figures within the security establishment, mobilised ordinary citizens onto the streets with the help of the opposition, and carried out the military coup that removed former president Robert Mugabe from power after forcing him to write a resignation letter with a gun over his head.

Today, however, General Chiwenga faces a far steeper challenge because Zimbabweans are deeply disillusioned by what followed. Fairly or unfairly, many do not see what happened after November 2017 simply as Mnangagwa’s project.
They see it as General Chiwenga’s military intervention because he was the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces who executed it; he was the poster boy of the military coup.

Zimbabwean citizens jokingly called him General Bae. “Bae” is an affectionate term for someone you love or care about deeply. Whether one agrees with that assessment or not, that General Chiwenga bears responsibility for what followed the coup is a political perception that remains ingrained in the country’s memory. Anything that emerged from that military coup inevitably falls, to some extent, on his shoulders. That leaves him with an enormous task if he hopes to redeem himself politically.

His biggest challenge is that, unlike Robert Mugabe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa is an exceptionally patient, calculating, and tactical politician who plans years ahead of eventual execution, and who does so ruthlessly, without any mercy for his political opponents.

Today, we are confronted with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, which is now on President Mnangagwa’s desk awaiting his signature. Once enacted, it will, barring a political miracle, effectively extinguish Chiwenga’s path to the presidency and also extinguish the little prospect of an opposition president.
But this story did not begin in 2026. It began in 2021 with Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 2, which abolished the running mate clause. That provision would have significantly strengthened General Chiwenga’s prospects of automatically succeeding President Mnangagwa.

When Amendment No. 2 was introduced, I argued that it was unmistakable evidence that President Mnangagwa had no intention whatsoever of handing over power to Chiwenga.
As usual, because many people preferred comforting illusions to uncomfortable facts, many disagreed with that political assessment.
Some within ZANUPF accused me of talking political nonsense. Others insisted that Mnangagwa and Chiwenga were inseparable political brothers who would always work together.

Even sections of the opposition dismissed my political analysis, arguing that Mnangagwa would never have the political capacity to sideline Chiwenga because powerful forces would stop him. Reality has partly answered that debate. The results are before us.

The so-called forces have not been able to stop him so far. Today, the Vice President increasingly relies on biblical parables to communicate his political messaging while Mnangagwa steadily and ruthlessly tightens his grip on every important lever of state power.

The military itself illustrates this shift. The Zimbabwe National Army is now commanded by Major General Walter Tapfumaneyi. His rise is politically significant to the story so far and to where the story might take us as it continues to unfold. General Tapfumaneyi left the army as a colonel after falling out with the military establishment during General Chiwenga’s tenure as Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He was made a Brigadier General upon retirement from the army.

He joined the Central Intelligence Organisation, where he rose to become Deputy Director-General. He also commanded Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ), the organisation widely associated with supporting President Mnangagwa’s electoral machinery during the 2023 elections.

When President Mnangagwa returned him to the Zimbabwe National Army, he was promoted to the rank of Major General. He leapfrogged several Major Generals who had served longer at that rank when he was appointed Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army. President Mnangagwa was now building the army in his own desired image and dismantling General Chiwenga’s army management network.

His appointment strengthened Mnangagwa’s influence over one of the country’s most important institutions, the military.
He was appointed after President Mnangagwa fired General Chiwenga’s right-hand man, General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, who had been the commander who supervised the 2017 coup when he was commander of the Presidential Guard. He was appointed as Sports Minister, replacing Kirsty Coventry.

Today’s Presidential Guard presents a similar picture. It has also been reshaped to suit President Mnangagwa’s political pursuits. The same formation that played a decisive role during the 2017 military intervention, then commanded by Colonel Anselem Sanyatwe before his subsequent promotion to Brigadier General, is today under a commander aligned with Mnangagwa.

Major General Fidelis Mhonda, who commands today’s Presidential Guard, was promoted a few days ago to the rank of Major General, reinforcing the widespread perception that the Presidential Guard is now firmly within Mnangagwa’s sphere of influence and political control.

Above them sits the Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Emmanuel Matatu, from the Midlands province. Unlike Chiwenga during his tenure, General Matatu has generally not been viewed as an overt political operator.
His role has largely been seen as maintaining institutional continuity rather than building an independent political constituency within the military, as General Chiwenga did during his time in the army.

Taken together, these developments are seen by President Mnangagwa and his close associates as significantly reducing the prospects of another military coup to remove him.
Over time, President Mnangagwa has systematically reshaped the senior military command structure. Military officers perceived to be close to Chiwenga have either retired, died, been reassigned, or gradually lost influence, while others considered more acceptable to Mnangagwa have risen through the ranks.

Whether intentional or simply the natural evolution of military succession, the result has been the steady consolidation of presidential influence over the security establishment, weakening General Chiwenga’s influence.
Meanwhile, many Zimbabweans have begun looking to Chiwenga for a viable counterforce because they see little prospect of meaningful change emerging from the fragmented opposition.

Yet Chiwenga’s recent biblical parable appears to carry a different message. Rather than suggesting that salvation will come through him and his military associates alone, he seems to be telling Zimbabweans that they must act for themselves instead of waiting for someone else to rescue them.

If that is indeed his message, it presents a political dilemma. Zimbabweans have repeatedly been encouraged to “wait and watch,” with suggestions that decisive, overwhelming action was imminent. Now they are being reminded that they themselves must participate. The difficulty is that many Zimbabweans remain traumatised by the state’s historical response to public demonstrations using the same military.

When Chiwenga commanded the Zimbabwean military, those who protested often encountered overwhelming force. In August 2018, when he had become Vice President, soldiers shot civilians during post-election protests in Harare. The global media and British politicians like Kate Hoey directly blamed General Chiwenga for those killings because of Zimbabwe’s army history of dabbling in politics.

Emmerson Mnangagwa’s public relations machine kicked into action and blamed General Chiwenga when speaking to diplomats and international businessmen about the circumstances surrounding what had taken place. A very powerful narrative was created that pointed to General Chiwenga as the culprit. President Mnangagwa told African presidents that when the killings took place, he was actually in a meeting with the former Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn and the former Ethiopian dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam.

In 2008, while he was Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, the military killed hundreds of opposition supporters during the post-election violence that ultimately led to the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU).
Those events remain deeply embedded in the political memory of Zimbabwean citizens. Consequently, many Zimbabweans today are understandably reluctant to return to the streets for fear of being killed. Ironically, it is a political environment that Chiwenga himself helped create.

Successful military interventions that seek public legitimacy usually require significant civilian mobilisation. Unless one is contemplating an outright seizure of power through force alone, public participation matters. Today, however, fear has largely replaced mobilisation.

Across Zimbabwe and throughout the diaspora, many people hold General Chiwenga partly responsible for the political situation the country now finds itself in. They argue that in 2017 he possessed both the military authority and the political leverage to shape Zimbabwe’s future differently.
Former president Robert Mugabe sent former central bank governor Dr Gideon Gono during the coup in November 2017 to engage General Chiwenga and other senior military officers with proposals that would have allowed General Chiwenga himself to assume power.

General Chiwenga refused this offer and remained loyal to President Emmerson Mnangagwa during the coup. President Mnangagwa, by contrast, has demonstrated unwavering commitment to securing his own political future in a ruthless and Machiavellian way.

Every major constitutional change, every strategic appointment, and every restructuring of the security establishment point in the same direction. His political objectives have been pursued with remarkable political discipline, patience, and clarity, coupled with an iron fist. Regardless of how objectionable his actions have been, he continues to execute them, and so far he has been succeeding.

That is why I return to where I began. Zimbabwean politics has become a contest between reality and aspiration or delusion. Many continue to believe that somehow events will take a different course through a political messiah despite the evidence accumulating before them.

But politics rewards those who deal with reality and political actors who are not scared of executing their plans, regardless of how controversial they are. It does not reward those who substitute objective reality with hope. Whatever one thinks of President Emmerson Mnangagwa or General Constantino Chiwenga, the evidence available today points overwhelmingly in one direction.
Mnangagwa has spent years methodically consolidating power, while many of his opponents have spent those same years believing circumstances would somehow change in their favour.

The other element that helped the ascension of President Emmerson Mnangagwa was the main opposition political party of the day, the MDC. Former Prime Minister and founding MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his successor, Nelson Chamisa, worked with Mnangagwa in sanitising the coup by putting their supporters on the streets to make it look like it was a popular uprising against the sickly geriatric leader, Robert Mugabe.

Today, the opposition is in disarray, crippled and, in many cases, comfortably ensconced in ZANUPF pockets. To put it more accurately, it is in Emmerson Mnangagwa’s pockets.

The country’s most popular opposition leader, Nelson Chamisa, has also made his position clear through one of his own parables on social media. In a recent post, he suggested that he would not allow himself to be made to write Paper Two, in other words, another military coup.
His argument is based on the fact that the first military coup delivered nothing but grief for the opposition. The opposition was promised a lot of things and as the coup ended successfully, former Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa told Zimbabweans that it was a strictly ZANUPF affair.

Chamisa believes that repeating the same approach, when there is already evidence of what the first coup produced, would be politically futile.
He is therefore clearly not prepared to marshal his supporters onto the streets on behalf of one ZANUPF faction against another because he sees this primarily as an internal ZANUPF power struggle as he sees it.

Another important element is that President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been able to create massive wealth through public procurement for a coterie of loyal political backers. That wealth has played a significant role in securing political favours, consolidating power, and extending influence across many facets of Zimbabwean society.

Mnangagwa loyalists have publicly donated luxury vehicles and other expensive gifts to senior military commanders, universities, churches, celebrities, and many related key institutional figures. In the religious sector, which has millions of fanatic followers, influential church leaders have received financial support and gifts.

In the entertainment industry, prominent musicians such as Jah Prayzah, Alick Macheso, and others have also received gifts from wealthy Mnangagwa loyalists who openly support President Mnangagwa’s political agenda to extend his term of office.
Taken together, these patronage networks have helped consolidate political influence well beyond the structures of the state itself. The odds facing the Vice President are therefore enormous. Barring a miracle, his path to the presidency appears increasingly very difficult.

The irony is that part of the political architecture he helped build over the past two decades has created the very climate of fear that now stands in his way. If he were ever to seek public mobilisation, many Zimbabweans would be reluctant to take to the streets because of the state’s historical response to protests, much of which occurred while he occupied positions of immense power in the security sector.

The other risk is that, if nothing changes, he could eventually be dismissed. Some of his ardent supporters like Knox Chivero have already gone onto public social media platforms claiming that there are plans to remove him from office. That possibility does not surprise political analysts at all.

At some point, Mnangagwa may conclude that there is little political value in retaining a deputy whom he believes has been politically and militarily neutralised.
Many political analysts now say, barring a political miracle powered by a military coup, Chiwenga could ultimately find himself leaving office as an ordinary civilian.

Any attempt to remove a government through a military coup carries enormous risks and requires tonnes of money, as we saw with the 2017 military coup, which was reportedly funded by fuel tycoon Kudakwashe Tagwirei. Such an attempt must succeed because, historically, failed coups often have severe, and sometimes fatal, consequences for those who participate in them. It is a kill-or-be-killed situation once it unfolds.

So, Vice President Chiwenga finds himself in an extraordinarily difficult position. His own faction is looking to him to lead and deliver. At the same time, many opposition supporters who now feel politically orphaned, with no credible political home, are also looking to him in the hope that he can bring about change but are terrified of the streets.

As all this drama unfolds, President Emmerson Mnangagwa continues to tighten his grip on power. Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 now sits on his desk awaiting his signature, and it could be signed into law at any moment. Yet, for General Chiwenga, this is a make-or-break moment.

If the Bill is signed into law and the General does nothing, many will conclude that his political presidential ambitions have come to an undignified end. If he attempts to act and fails, he could place himself in mortal danger. And if he simply waits, the political outcome may ultimately be the same, he risks being removed once Mnangagwa concludes that he no longer serves a useful political purpose.

Time, as always, will be the ultimate judge. Reality and aspiration are now facing each other, and we have not a long time left for the ultimate showdown, or, as many suspect, little resistance.

[Ziyapapa 1 @Ziyapapa1]

@MacBelts His hands are dripping with the crimson blood of his countrymen that have been fighting for justice over the years.He is a quiet discreet chigananda that has looted and amassed personal wealth since 1980

[Max Kufakwejeyi @MaxKufakwejeyi]

@luke_tambo Haa mutsvene hapana shuwa. Zimbabweans have become so desperate they now look for salvation from one of their leading oppressors. Sad really.

[Yaa Asantewaa @nompum73279]

@Muswatadzi @Devro_Amplified @freemufumiri @MadzivaNehemiah @mawarirej @nickmangwana @Chofamba @IsaacMakomichi @ChipoMusarurwaS @TembaMliswa Ehe tazvinzwa. Chiwenga and the military top brass must show remorse for what they have done: we're where we are because of them! Gukurahundi, DRC, 2008, Chitepo assassination, 2018, 2023, corruption and looting! These guys are some of the richest and corrupt eople in Zimbabwe.

[Yaa Asantewaa @nompum73279]

@Muswatadzi @Devro_Amplified @freemufumiri @MadzivaNehemiah @mawarirej @nickmangwana @Chofamba @IsaacMakomichi @ChipoMusarurwaS @TembaMliswa Ehe tazvinzwa. Chiwenga and the military top brass must show remorse for what they have done: we're where we are because of them! Gukurahundi, DRC, 2008, Chitepo assassination, 2018, 2023, corruption and looting! These guys are some of the richest and corrupt eople in Zimbabwe.

[trevor sam @tmann31000]

@MJairosi Mbavha dzinozongonetsana pakugovana. Chiwenga imbavha yakapusa

[Dabson Mhofu Kanyoka 🇿🇼🇿🇦 @dabskays]

Mhofu vabatikana ne video iri. This minister is spot on, Zanu is busy nezvinhu zvisina basa such as CAB3 and outsourcing Zim problems to South Africa. As Zimbabweans we must confront this evil Zanu-PF government instead of always running away from home.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

Zimbabwean nationalist leader Herbert Chitepo was buried in Lusaka, Zambia on Saturday, 22 March 1975 with full military honours after a state funeral which rang which rang with declarations that the liberation struggle would continue.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

4/
Late 1974 — the Nhari Rebellion erupts.
Frontline fighters accuse the High Command of:
—Corruption & misusing war funds
—Sexual exploitation of female cadres
—Neglecting the front
—Promoting allies over capable officers

The mutiny is crushed. But the mistrust deepens.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

3/

The shift came in May 1973, when Josiah Tongogara (Karanga) replaced Noel Mukono (Manyika) as Chief of Defence.
This was not just a routine appointment — it marked the start of Karanga dominance in the ZANU High Command.
Key posts fell to Tongogara’s allies, and Manyika officers began to be sidelined or reassigned.
From that point, ZANU’s military leadership was no longer united by strategy — it was split by ethnic allegiance.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

🧵 The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo — ZANU’s Inside Job

1/

18 March 1975, 8:00 AM.
Lusaka, Zambia.
A VW Beetle explodes outside No. 150 Muramba Road, Chilenje South.
Inside: Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo, ZANU Chairman. Killed instantly alongside his bodyguard Silas Shamiso.
A local boy, Sambwa Chaya, later dies from injuries.
At first, all fingers pointed at Rhodesia.
The truth was far worse.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

🧵 ZANU’s Congo Heist — How Ministers, Generals & Cronies Turned War Into a Billion-Dollar Loot

1/

Aug 1998 — Zimbabwe’s economy is buckling, factories silent, bread queues winding through Harare.
Instead of fixing the crisis, Mugabe dispatches ~11,000 soldiers to prop up Laurent Kabila’s crumbling DRC regime.
The pretext: Pan-African solidarity.
The reality: ZANU-PF hijacking the state — using taxpayers’ money and the national army as a private investment arm for generals, ministers, and businessmen.
It was foreign policy as organised crime.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

@NgaraAssa17386 Vakaurayiwa nemhuri dzavo havadi mashoko chete, vanoda chokwadi, mutoro, uye mutemo utevedzwe.
It’s time for accountability and justice, not apologies. Chiwenga has a lot to answer for.

[Tafi Mhaka @tafimhaka]

Kutendeuka kwechitendero inyaya yemunhu oga. Asi kururamisira hakutsiviwi nekutendeuka. Vakaurayiwa nemhuri dzavo vanoda chokwadi, mutoro uye mutemo utevedzwe. Nyaya iyi ndeye kodzero dzevanhu, civil rights, uye accountability, kwete zvechitendero chete. Justice is not replaced by repentance.