The word "barbarism" has a specific history.
It comes from the Greek barbaros, a term the ancient Greeks used for people who didn't speak Greek.
Literally: people who make sounds like "bar bar bar."
People whose language is noise rather than speech. People who are, by definition of their unintelligibility, less than fully civilized.
Western power inherited this word and put it to work.
The people resisting colonization in Africa were "barbaric."
The Zulus who fought British expansion were "barbaric."
The Vietnamese who fought French colonial rule and American imperialism were "barbaric."
The Algerians who fought French occupation were "barbaric."
The Iraqis who fought the 2003 invasion were "barbaric."
The British who looted and burned the Summer Palace in Beijing were "restoring order."
The French who used systematic torture and collective punishment in Algeria were "maintaining security."
The Americans who dropped napalm on Vietnamese villages were "pacifying the countryside."
The pattern does not require individual malice.
It requires a structure of language that assigns the category of violence to the people defending themselves and assigns the category of governance to the people attacking them.
Once you see this structure, you cannot unsee it.
And once you unsee it, once you accept the language of the powerful as the natural language of reality, you experience slaughter as background noise.
That is exactly what it was designed to produce.
Before Crusoe is shipwrecked, he owns a plantation in Brazil.
Worked by enslaved people.
The novel mentions this briefly and moves on.
It is not a moral question the text asks. It is not something Crusoe wrestles with.
It is background. Context. The economic situation from which the adventure departs.
Most people who have read Robinson Crusoe do not remember this.
Most summaries, adaptations, children's versions, film adaptations do not include it.
Crusoe the plucky English survivor.
Crusoe the ingenious castaway.
Crusoe the civilizing presence who rescues Friday from cannibals and gives him language and purpose.
Crusoe the slaveholder is edited out.
Not because it was added later.
Because the selective memory of a culture decides which parts of its foundational texts it needs to see and which parts it needs to not see.
The selective memory is not random.
It follows the same logic that decided the Congo was an administrative problem and not a crime.
That decided the Herero extermination was a colonial footnote and not a genocide rehearsal.
See the thing. Don't see the thing.
The thing that must not be seen is always the thing that connects the civilization's self-image to what the civilization actually did.
The cannibals in Robinson Crusoe are the mechanism.
Friday is being eaten, or about to be, or has been among people who eat people, and this is what necessitates the rescue.
This is what justifies everything that follows.
The ownership. The renaming. The subordination. The civilizing project.
The cannibal is not an incidental detail.
The cannibal is a technology.
Deployed across five hundred years of colonial literature and political justification to perform a specific function:
To establish that the people being colonized are not just different but dangerous.
Not just uncivilized but actively threatening to civilization.
Not just in need of improvement but in need of rescue from themselves.
The Spanish used it to justify conquest and the enslavement of Indigenous peoples in the Caribbean.
The British used it in Africa.
The Americans used it in the Philippines.
The Australians used it about Aboriginal people.
Your point, my friend, about Crusoe telling you who you are lands here:
If you read the cannibal scenes as adventure-story backdrop, excitement, danger, color, you are reading from inside the ideology.
If you read them as the activation of a five-hundred-year-old justification technology, the savage that must be saved from himself, the barbarism that licenses the civilizing violence, you are reading from outside it.
Most Western literary education teaches you to read from inside.
It doesn't tell you that's a choice.
Ian Watt, in The Rise of the Novel, called Crusoe the first embodiment of economic man.
Homo economicus.
The individual who encounters the world as a set of resources to be assessed, organized, and made productive. For whom the fundamental relationship to land, time, and other people is one of ownership and utility.
Watt meant it as literary history.
He was also describing the psychological template of colonialism.
The colonizer does not arrive in a new land and think: there are people here with complex lives and a prior relationship to this place.
The colonizer arrives and thinks: what can this become? What can be extracted? How can this be organized?
Crusoe on his island. Cortés in Mexico. Rhodes in southern Africa. The East India Company in Bengal.
The same cognitive move.
The same fundamental relationship to a world encountered as resource rather than as place-already-inhabited-by-people-with-their-own-claims.
Defoe put it in a novel because novels are how civilizations teach their children what counts as normal.
More than three hundred years of children reading about Crusoe organizing his island and thinking: yes, obviously, that is what you would do.
That is what you would do.
Of course.
The ideology is so deeply embedded it reads as common sense.
That is what successful ideology always feels like.
Friday does not have a name.
This is the detail that contains everything.
He has a name before Crusoe arrives. He has a language, a people, a history, a set of relationships, a self that existed before the shipwreck and the rescue and the grateful submission.
Crusoe gives him a name, the day of the week on which he was found, a name so incidental it is almost an insult, and the novel does not register this as an act of violence.
It registers it as an act of kindness.
The man who saves you owns you.
The man who names you has replaced whatever you were with whatever he needs you to be.
The man who teaches you his language has ensured that you can only speak to him on his terms, in his framework, reaching for concepts he has decided are the concepts worth having.
This is not a subplot.
This is the entire history of colonial education policy, missionary language programs, residential schools, the forced replacement of indigenous names with Christian ones, narrated in 1719 as the natural, generous, obvious thing a decent man would do.
How you read that scene tells you whether you instinctively occupy Crusoe's perspective or Friday's.
Most people who grew up in Western educational systems occupy Crusoe's without knowing they made a choice.
Here is the question that European civilization has never answered:
At what point, in the five hundred years of colonial practice, should a European person have been expected to know that what was happening was wrong?
Not 1945. That is too easy, and too convenient.
1904, when the German Empire issued a written extermination order against the Herero people and generals carried it out and soldiers followed orders and administrators recorded the deaths and the skulls were shipped to universities for racial science.
At that point, should someone have known?
1890, when the systematic amputations in the Congo were being photographed by missionaries and the photographs were being published in European newspapers and reformers were raising the alarm and Leopold II was receiving those reformers in his palace and explaining that the civilizing mission required certain difficult measures.
At that point?
1830, when the Trail of Tears was a policy debated in the United States Congress and approved by elected representatives and challenged by lawyers and litigated to the Supreme Court, which ruled against it, and then carried out anyway.
At that point?
1619?
1492?
The question matters because the defense of European civilization against the charge that the Holocaust was colonialism coming home always rests on the assumption that colonial violence was invisible, unexamined, a product of its time.
It was not invisible.
It was photographed and debated and reported and litigated.
It was chosen.
At every decision point, by specific people with names and offices and moral agency, the choice was made to continue.
The Holocaust produced Nuremberg because the victims were European and the defendants were the enemies of the victorious powers.
The colonial period produced nothing comparable because the victims were not European and the defendants were the victorious powers.
That is the only reason one has a trial and the other has a museum of natural history.
Same civilization.
Same logic.
Different documentation.
Η αντικατάσταση εργαζόμενων θα γίνει πρώτα κ κύρια στο επίπεδο των manager.Κάτι που έχει αναλυθεί εδώ κ κάμποσα χρόνια από σοβαρούς κ τίμιους εργάτες (κι όχι τόσο από κάθε λογής ειδικούς).Άρα ,όπως σωστά αναλύετε,το αποτέλεσμα θα’ναι ακόμη μεγαλύτερη εντατικοποίηση.Ταιηλορισμός.-
Σχεδόν όλοι καταλάβατε (σωστά) για το ΑΙ αλλά για το ότι θα σας φάει τη δουλειά (λάθος). Όχι πως δεν θα γίνει και αυτό αλλά δεν θα γίνει τόσο άμεσα και έτσι κι αλλιώς κάποιοι θα μείνουν ⬇️
🧵 Νέο ρεπορτάζ: #ΝΔ και #Καθημερινή σε αποστολή στο #Ισραήλ με έξοδα του ισραηλινού #λόμπι.
🔸Στις 16.7.2026 η πρεσβεία της Ελλάδας στο Ισραήλ διαφήμισε πως o υφυπουργός Εργασίας Κώστας #Καραγκούνης, τρεις ακόμη βουλευτές της #ΝΔ (Κωνσταντίνος #Κεφαλογιάννης, Δημήτρης #Κούβελας, Γιώργος #Σταμάτης) και ένας δημοσιογράφος της #Καθημερινής (Αθανάσιος #Κατσικίδης) συνάντησαν εκπροσώπους της κυβέρνησης #Νετανιάχου και του συμπλέγματος εθνικής ασφαλείας του Ισραήλ.
🔸Η αποστολή στο Ισραήλ έγινε μετά από πρόσκληση και πληρωμή εξόδων από την οργάνωση #ELNET, το σημαντικότερο ισραηλινό λόμπι στην Ευρώπη. Κοινώς, οι βουλευτές και ο δημοσιογράφος έλαβαν παροχές σε είδος από ξένη οργάνωση #λόμπινγκ που σχετίζεται άμεσα με μια ξέν�� κυβέρνηση, εκείνη του Ισραήλ.
🔸«Εφόσον τα έξοδα του υφυπουργού καλύφθηκαν από την ELNET, ισχύει το άρθρο 15 παρ. 2 του ν. 4829/2021, που απαγορεύει την αποδοχή φιλοξενίας, η οποία συνδέεται με την άσκηση των καθηκόντων του», μας είπε ο διευθυντής του #Vouliwatch, Στέφανος #Λουκόπουλος.
🔸Όπως έχουμε αποκαλύψει, ηγετικά στελέχη της ELNET συνδέονται με την κυβέρνηση Νετανιάχου και με ακροδεξιές οργανώσεις εποίκων στα κατεχόμενα παλαιστινιακά εδάφη.
🔸Οι συναντήσεις της ΝΔ με αξιωματούχους του κ. Νετανιάχου έγιναν παρά τη γνωμοδότηση του Διεθνούς Δικαστηρίου της Χάγης για τη #γενοκτονία στη #Γάζα και παρά το ένταλμα σύλληψης του Διεθνούς Ποινικού Δικαστηρίου κατά του κ. #Νετανιάχου για «εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας».
🔸Για την Καθημερινή εγείρεται σοβαρό ζήτημα δεοντολογίας, καθώς συμμετείχε σε αποστολή που πληρώθηκε από το ισραηλινό λόμπι.
🔸Πόσο αξιόπιστη μπορεί να είναι μια δημοσιογρ��φία που καλύπτει συστηματικά θέματα του Ισραήλ, όταν τα έξοδα μιας αποστολής της στο Ισραήλ καλύπτονται απ’ το ισραηλινό λόμπι; Ή, σύμφωνα με την Καθημερινή, μετά από πρόσκληση από την πρεσβεία του Ισραήλ;
🔸Οι κ.κ. #Σταμάτης και #Κούβελας μας είπαν ότι η Βουλή είχε εγκρίνει την αποστολή τους στο Ισραήλ.
🔸«Η Καθημερινή τηρεί πάντα τους κανόνες δεοντολογίας», είπε η εφημερίδα στο #ReportersUnited.
Διάβασε το ρεπορτάζ μας και τις απαντήσεις όλων των μερών.👇
https://t.co/nPncbJzi9P
✍️ @Chondrogiannos @boublis @BartalYossi
🎨| 📽️ @spoovio
The thing about watching a superpower decline in real time is that it is not dramatic.
People expect drama.
The fall of the Berlin Wall. The helicopter leaving Saigon. A moment.
Decline is not a moment.
It is Walmart shelves that were stocked with Chinese manufacturing for so long that when the tariffs came there was no American factory to replace the supply chain because the factory closed in 1987 and the people who worked there are in their seventies.
It is allies who say the right things in the communiqué and then go home and make other arrangements.
It is a currency that is still dominant but whose dominance is for the first time in eighty years a subject of active international planning to reduce.
It is a military that has not won a major war since 1945 but whose budget keeps growing because the budget is not about winning wars, it is about the domestic economy of the congressional districts where the weapons are built.
It is a political class so consumed by the internal contradictions the empire generates at home, the inequality, the racial reckoning, the infrastructure crisis, the opioid epidemic, the debt, that it cannot maintain the sustained attention that running the world actually requires.
It is slow. It is administrative.
It is the texture of daily life changing at a pace that is visible only in retrospect.
And in the middle of it, making it loud and visible and impossible to ignore, is Trump.
The decline did not produce him.
The decline is him.
The empire as victim.
This is the one that should be studied in every political science program on earth.
The country with the largest military in human history.
With 800 bases in 80 countries.
With a nuclear arsenal capable of ending civilization.
With a currency that functions as the world's reserve through arrangements enforced by those same bases.
With a sanctions regime that can starve entire economies.
Persecuted.
By whom?
By globalists. By China. By the UN. By the World Health Organization. By NATO allies who aren't spending enough. By immigrants. By refugees. By international courts that dare to assert jurisdiction.
The most powerful entity in the history of human civilization, casting itself as the beleaguered outsider.
And it works.
It works because power is very good at describing its maintenance costs as victimhood and its violence as self-defense.
It works because the citizens of the empire are not taught to see themselves as imperial.
They are taught to see themselves as individuals, as families, as communities.
Who are always, somehow, under threat from something just beyond the border.
The empire is never the aggressor in its own story.
It is always responding.
It is always defending.
It is always, just barely, surviving.
Against a rice-farming country in Southeast Asia.
Against a Caribbean island under embargo for more than six decades.
Against whoever is next.
Ελλάδα 3.0… κατατοπιστικότατο ποστ. Προφανώς βέβαια, για όποιον ενδιαφέρεται πραγματικά να κατατοπιστεί. Γιατί αν θες να παραμένεις στη θολούρα και καβάλα στο σύννεφο , δεν σε αγγίζει , αντίθετα το αντιλαμβάνεσαι σαν γκρίνια.
Μέρος από ποστ, χείμαρρο, φίλου στο FB που αξίζει να διαβαστεί.
" Δεν ξέρω αν το έχετε παρατηρ��σει αλλά εδώ και κάμποσο καιρό δεν ακούμε από κανένα κυβερνητικό στέλεχος τη φράση Ελλάδα 2.0. Γιατί; Γιατί Ελλάδα 2.0 πάπαλα. Το Ελλάδα 2.0 ήταν το ευφάνταστο όνομα που σκέφτηκαν 1/ν
Μέρος από ποστ, χείμαρρο, φίλου στο FB που αξίζει να διαβαστεί.
" Δεν ξέρω αν το έχετε παρατηρήσει αλλά εδώ και κάμποσο καιρό δεν ακούμε από κανένα κυβερνητικό στέλεχος τη φράση Ελλάδα 2.0. Γιατί; Γιατί Ελλάδα 2.0 πάπαλα. Το Ελλάδα 2.0 ήταν το ευφάνταστο όνομα που σκέφτηκαν 1/ν
Au XIXe siècle, la reine Victoria ne dirigeait pas seulement un empire : elle était à la tête du plus puissant cartel de la drogue de la planète.
Oubliez les bonnes manières et l'élégance du thé de cinq heures. Tout commence par un problème de comptabilité.
Dans les années 1830, Londres a un déficit commercial abyssal avec la Chine. Les Britanniques importent des quantités astronomiques de thé, de soie et de porcelaine.
Mais l'empereur chinois Daoguang méprise les marchandises anglaises. Il n'accepte qu'un seul moyen de paiement : l'argent pur.
La Grande-Bretagne se vide littéralement de ses métaux précieux. Pour sauver la balance commerciale, des marchands britanniques mettent au point une stratégie machiavélique.
À leur tête, William Jardine. Un respectable homme d'affaires écossais, mais surtout le premier grand baron de la drogue de l'Histoire moderne.
Si les Chinois ne veulent rien acheter, Jardine et la Compagnie des Indes vont leur vendre un produit dont ils ne pourront plus se passer.
Le plan est d'un cynisme absolu et fonctionne à la perfection. On inonde le pays d'opium.
Des millions de Chinois deviennent toxicomanes. Le flux financier s'inverse. L'argent pur quitte la Chine pour remplir les coffres de Londres.
La faillite britannique est évitée grâce à un trafic de stupéfiants d'État.
Mais en 1839, l'empereur Daoguang décide d'arrêter le massacre. Il envoie à Canton un haut fonctionnaire totalement incorruptible : Lin Zexu.
Lin Zexu ne négocie pas avec les cartels. Il fait encercler les entrepôts étrangers et détruit plus de 1 000 tonnes d'opium de contrebande sur la plage.
En temps normal, c'est une simple saisie douanière.
Mais William Jardine rentre à Londres et va murmurer à l'oreille du ministre des Affaires étrangères, Lord Palmerston.
Quand le chef du cartel finance les campagnes politiques et possède la Royal Navy, la saisie devient un casus belli. Lord Palmerston déclare la guerre à la Chine.
Pas pour défendre le droit international. Pour protéger les marges de ses trafiquants.
Les navires de guerre de Sa Majesté bombardent les côtes et massacrent les défenses chinoises avec une brutalité inouïe. La Chine capitule.
Le traité de paix qui suit est un pur contrat d'extorsion.
La Chine est forcée de rembourser au centime près la valeur de la drogue détruite, d'ouvrir ses ports et de céder une petite île pour faciliter la logistique des contrebandiers : Hong Kong.
Dans les livres d'Histoire, on appelle pudiquement cela l'ouverture au libre-échange.
La réalité est beaucoup plus crue.
Une nation souveraine a été mise à feu et à sang par le gouvernement de la reine Victoria, prêt à tout pour écouler sa came et sauver son économie.
Πριν 43 χρόνια ο Λουκιανός είπε "Πάμε μια βόλτα στη Βουλιαγμένη".
Πηγαν 100 χιλ.
"Η Coca-Cola, βλέποντας την τεράστια προπώληση μας έδινε 5 εκατομμύρια δραχμές τότε για να μπ��ι το λογότυπο της μπροστά στην πλωτή εξέδρα. Ο Λουκιανός απάντησε: να πάει να γαμ...θει η Coca-Cola"
Η ΕΣΤΙΑ «αποκαλύπτει σήμερα τα δέκα υπουργεία του κ. Μητσοτάκη πού τελούν υπό έρευνα από τίς ευρωπαϊκές Αρχές για κακοδιαχείριση κονδυλίων, ύψους 2,68 δισ. ευρώ»! Δέκα δεν είναι ούτε καν τα μισά εδώ που τα λέμε…
Το βιβλίο αυτό αποτελεί την Βίβλο πλέον που περιλαμβάνει όλες τις σύγχρονες επιστημονικές αποδείξεις για την ΑΝΥΠΑΡΞΙΑ βιολογικής βάσης φυλών ή εθνών. Είμαστε όλοι πανομοιότυποι (99,9%) σε γενετική βαση (DNA). Η έννοια της φυλής ΔΕΝ αντανακλά ΚΑΜΙΑ βιολογική πραγματικότητα.
ΙΔΙΩΤΙΚΟΠΟΙΟΥΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΝΕΡΟ!!!
Το υπό ψήφιση νομοσχέδιο για τη διαχείριση των υδάτων (30/7) αποτελεί την ολοκλήρωση ενός μεθοδευμένου σχεδίου για τη βίαιη μετατροπή του νερού από κοινωνικό αγαθό σε ακριβό εμπόρευμα.
Η κυβέρνηση παρακάμπτει προκλητικά τις αποφάσεις του ΣτΕ και, με πρόσχημα τη λειψυδρία, ξεπουλά την ΕΥΔΑΠ και την ΕΥΑΘ στους ιδιώτες μετόχους. Ακολουθείται πιστά το καταστροφικό μοντέλο της ΔΕΗ, το οποίο ήδη αφαίμαξε τους Έλληνες πολίτες για να γεμίσει τις τσέπες των στελεχών με προκλητικά μπόνους.
Οι απαράδεκτες ρυθμίσεις του νομοσχεδίου επιβάλλουν:
Αρπαγή τοπικών δικτύων: Υφαρπάζονται υποχρεωτικά οι υποδομές ύδρευσης και άρδευσης από την Αττική έως τη Χαλκιδική, παραδίδοντας δημόσια περιουσία εκατομμυρίων σε χρηματιστηριακές εταιρείες.
Εξοστρακισμός της Αυτοδιοίκησης: Οι Δήμοι υποβαθμίζονται σε απλούς θεατές, χάνοντας τον έλεγχο των υποδομών τους, με άμεση συ��έπεια την πλήρη εγκατάλειψη των μη κερδοφόρων δικτύων σε χωριά και νησιά.
Σκοτεινές διαδικασίες: Η ενοποίηση στερείται οποιασδήποτε τεχνικής ή οικονομικής μελέτης, προδιαγράφοντας μια βέβαιη εκτόξευση των τιμολογίων για νοικοκυριά και αγρότες.
Κατάργηση κοινωνικού ελέγχου: Η ενίσχυση της ΡΑΑΕΥ εξαφανίζει κάθε ίχνος δημόσιου ελέγχου, στρώνοντας το χαλί για την είσοδο κερδοσκόπων «παρόχων».
Πάρτι απευθείας αναθέσεων: Νομιμοποιούνται οι «έκτακτες» αναθέσεις έργων, πετώντας στα σκουπίδια τους θεσμικούς ελέγχους, τις μελέτες και τις νόμιμες αδειοδοτήσεις.
Το αποτέλεσμα θα είναι ένας γραφειοκρατικός εφιάλτης με πανάκριβο νερό, που θυσιάζει τις βασικές ανάγκες της κοινωνίας στον βωμό του ιδιωτικού κέρδους.
You cannot shame the empire.
But you can map it.
The comfortable who look away: map them.
They are in the suburbs, in the professional class, in the institutions that produce the language of concern without the practice of change.
Their function is legitimacy.
Without them, power is naked.
With them, power is a consensus.
The anxious who cling to their jobs: map them.
They are everywhere.
They are the distributed nervous system of the system, maintaining its infrastructure out of a rational fear that has been carefully cultivated and is routinely reinforced.
Their function is continuity.
The machine runs because they show up.
The exhausted poor: map them.
They are the proof of concept and the warning.
Their exhaustion is not a side effect.
It is the output of a system that needs them available, pliable, and unable to do the one thing that would change everything:
Stop. Organize. Stay stopped.
The overpoliced internal colonies: map them.
They are the laboratory and the message.
The message to everyone else about what happens when you don't have a mortgage to lose.
When you have nothing, the state shows you what it looks like without the buffer layer.
The empire is not a conspiracy.
It is an ecosystem.
Ecosystems are not defeated by attacking one part.
They are transformed when enough of the organisms inside them stop performing their assigned function.
Map first.
Then decide what you are willing to stop doing.
The most radical thing you can say in a country built on individualism is:
This is not your fault.
Your poverty is not a personal failure.
Your debt is not a character flaw.
Your exhaustion is not laziness.
Your inability to afford a house in the city where you work is not evidence that you made the wrong choices.
You did not cause the 2008 financial crisis that wiped out a decade of household wealth.
You did not cause the healthcare system that takes everything you saved when you get sick.
You did not design the student loan system that charged you compounding interest on the debt you took on at seventeen because you were told it was the only path.
You did not build the housing market that turned the place you sleep into an investment asset for people who already have enough.
The system produced these outcomes.
The system was designed, not conspired, but designed through a thousand political choices made by identifiable people, to produce these outcomes.
The ideology of individual responsibility exists to prevent you from seeing the design.
Because if you see the design, you stop blaming yourself.
And if you stop blaming yourself, you start looking for who made the decisions.
And the people who made the decisions have spent enormous resources making sure you never stop blaming yourself long enough to look up.