Olivia
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Prosper Matshisa Mlilo 🇿🇼
@prosper_mlilo
Ngiyinzalo ka Mtotobi inzalo ka Bhangwane ka Mabaso , Ngingu Mntungwa
Joined March 2020
865 Following
236 Followers
1.4K Posts
@nickmangwana Kumnandi imbuzi ihlaba inja Nick , inyembezi ngezethu yekela senze esikufunayo ngazo
@daddyhope As to whom the funding has been paid to your guess is as good as mine. What I know for certain is that it is not paid to us as the State doesn't recognize us as the CCC Party.
@daddyhope Cde Hopewell am tempted to simply respond that the question has been asked & answered but then it will be asked again in a different version. The State doesn't recognize the Gweru leadership of CCC & it stands to reason that we don't receive the CCC political parties funding.
FELLOW CITIZENS, life is fragile and precious. Let’s not waste it on quarrels, bitterness or hate. Let’s choose love, forgiveness, peace and kindness, and make every moment count. #OnePeople #FreshStart #TheNew
@malihlex2 Cha , sifuna yona qha
Watching this video posted by HSTV really broke my heart because I simply put myself in this man’s shoes and imagined someone coming to my home and destroying it. Imagine spending your savings, perhaps everything you have worked for over many years, building a home for yourself and your family, only to stand helplessly and watch it being demolished. His anger is understandable.
But we must look beyond the heartbreaking images of this particular house being destroyed. The bigger issue is the culture of lawlessness that we have repeatedly spoken about in Zimbabwe. ZANUPF and the government have enabled an environment in which politically connected land barons can operate with impunity, selling land to desperate citizens, producing questionable or fictitious paperwork and leaving ordinary people to carry the devastating consequences when the authorities eventually act.
There are fundamental questions that must be answered. How was this house allowed to be built in the first place without council approval? If there was no approval, where were the authorities when construction started? A house does not appear overnight. Foundations are dug, bricks are delivered, walls go up, roofing is installed, electricity and other services may be connected, and people eventually move in. At what point did the responsible authorities intervene?
And if there was council approval, then an even more serious question arises: why is the house being demolished today? Who approved it, on what basis was it approved, and who must be held accountable if that approval was improperly issued?
That is why simply focusing on the demolition misses the bigger story. The real scandal is the lawlessness that has taken root in our country, where people can use their party political connections to do things they would never dare to do in a properly functioning state governed by the rule of law. When political affiliation becomes more powerful than the law, ordinary citizens inevitably become the victims.
The consequences go beyond illegal land sales. They destroy public confidence in institutions. People lose faith in councils, law enforcement agencies and ultimately the judiciary because, case after case, they see the enormous influence that political elites can exercise over institutions that are supposed to protect everyone equally.
A functioning state cannot allow land barons to sell people land illegally for years and then arrive at the end of the process to punish only the families who built homes there. Accountability must travel all the way up the chain. Who sold the land? Who produced the paperwork? Who authorised construction, if anyone did? Which officials knew what was happening? Who protected the land barons? And why were they allowed to continue operating?
I feel deeply sorry for this man. He may have spent everything he had building that house, and today he is standing among the ruins wondering what comes next.
The most painful question he asks in the video says everything: Where is he going to sleep tonight?
That is the human cost of lawlessness.
We, The Citizens!
The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) has formally notified police of its intention to hold a public gathering in Harare on July 31, in opposition to the recently enacted Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Act.
In a letter dated July 24 and addressed to the Officer Commanding at Harare Central Police Station, ZAPU’s Southern Region office gave notice under Section 7(1) of the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act (MOPA) of a planned demonstration at Africa Unity Square in Harare’s central business district.
The gathering is scheduled to run from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. The letter names ZAPU Secretary General Mthulisi Hanana as convener and ZAPU Vice President Derek Katsenga as deputy convener, as required under MOPA’s disclosure provisions.
According to the notice, ZAPU’s objection centers on process and substance. The party argues the amendment should have first been put to a national referendum under Section 328 of the Constitution, and contends the changes undermine rights guaranteed under Section 67, which enshrines political rights.
The amendment, commonly referred to as CAB3, was signed into law by President Emmerson Mnangagwa on July 7 after clearing the National Assembly and Senate in June.
It replaces the direct popular election of the president with election by a joint sitting of Parliament and extends the terms of the president, Parliament, and local authorities from five to seven years.
The law has drawn sustained criticism from opposition figures, legal watchdogs, and rights groups since it was first introduced in February. The legislative monitor Veritas has argued that extending the presidential term should trigger the referendum requirement under Section 328 of the Constitution.
ZAPU’s own president, Sibangilizwe Nkomo, has urged Zimbabweans to oppose CAB3, framing it as a betrayal of the liberation-era principle of “one man, one vote.”
Whether authorities will permit the gathering to proceed remains an open question. Zimbabwean police have a documented history of blocking opposition demonstrations against CAB3 while allowing pro-amendment rallies to continue, a disparity opposition parties raised as early as April.
🔸How do you expect kuti tipembere chinhu changa chiripo in better form in the 80s? It’s like relaunching ZUPCO buses with tickets, route timetables and bus stops then saying it’s a grand milestone. Zvanga zviripo izvi vaparadzi vasati vauraya zvese. Let’s not be bamboozled by their immense capacity for low standards. Kubva matoita mabiko nekaone route ikako? Worse still kuita ndege yekuroja? Having a functional national airline in 2026 should be as normal as breathing air. This ain’t it.
We need new leaders.🇿🇼
@allzimnewsZW Uloyiwe wena
CHAPWATI loading…ZeveZeve,Hoche Koche,Dandemutande
Sizanyenyeza, Mlungelunge,Ubulembu
IT WAS ALL ABOUT ED POWER GAMES…ED worked with Tshabangu to engineer illegal recalls that ultimately handed ZANU-PF a fraudulent two-thirds parliamentary majority, in clear violation of both the law and democratic principles.
Unfortunately, when the recalls began, many failed to recognize that this was part of a long-planned strategy orchestrated by ED. It was never about the claims that the CCC lacked a constitution or formal structures. In Zimbabwe you can not submit party candidates to ZEC without a party constitution. Parliament and Mudenda were in possession of CCC constitution but chose to ignore it on instructions from his Zpf Boss. Those no constitution and nil structures narratives were merely a smokescreen.
Some individuals, driven by their disagreements with Nelson Chamisa, celebrated the recalls, unaware that they were in fact celebrating the erosion of democracy and the weakening of our nation. The foundation for the current constitutional amendment agenda was laid in 2023 through those engineered and unlawful recalls.
However, all is not lost. The real struggle lies ahead. The task before us is to continue fighting for a Citizens' Government—one that reflects the true will and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. The future of our country depends on the determination of its citizens to defend voice, agency and fundamental rights .
@sabasimba92 Hatiite zvetsvina zvamakajaira
A group of retired Zimbabwean military generals and former senior civil servants has publicly accused President Emmerson Mnangagwa of being the principal architect and beneficiary of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 (CAB3), warning that the proposed changes serve narrow political interests rather than the national interest.
In a statement issued on today in Harare and signed by retired Air Marshal Henry Muchena on behalf of the group, the former military and civil service officials said recent meetings they held with President Mnangagwa had failed to address their concerns over the Bill.
They claimed the President dismissed their objections by saying, “whoever wins, wins,” a response they said reflected contempt for constitutional concerns raised by citizens and party members.
The group reiterated its call for a national referendum on the proposed amendments and added that the parliamentary consultation process was manipulated and did not reflect the will of the people. They also expressed concern over ongoing court challenges to the Bill and urged the judiciary to uphold its constitutional responsibilities.
In some of the most explosive claims contained in the statement, the retired officials alleged that financial incentives, including vehicle allocations and cash payments, had been used to secure support for CAB3.
They further claimed that a US$31 million fund had been set aside to influence parliamentary votes in favour of the Bill.
The retired officials warned Members of Parliament against supporting the proposed amendments, arguing that extending presidential and parliamentary terms without voter approval would constitute a violation of the Constitution.
They pledged to continue opposing CAB3 through legal, constitutional, and civic means.
I have posted the full PDF statement on my Telegram channel at the link below;
👇🏿👇🏿
https://t.co/f3TcNRwoAl
ZIMBABWE NEEDS A CITIZENS' GOVERNMENT..
There can be no legitimate government without the consent of #WeTheCitizens who are governed. There is nothing so useless as doing efficiently what is fundamentally wrong. CAB3 is the wrong move, a misguided initiative and a selfish national mistake. Far from delivering value, it is an absolute waste of time and resources. Its consequences will be severe and may ultimately consume those who conceived and championed it. #WeTheCitizens reject CAB3, all its flawed processes and choreographed outcomes. This is the new front of the struggle for a New Great Zimbabwe.
The future belongs to organized citizens. We organize. We engage. We build. Come, let us reason together.
#NewLeaders #WeTheCitizens
I saw this Zambian election flier on social media, with people asking whether Bernard Munangagwa is related to President Emmerson Mnangagwa. It is not a tale of families divided by a border, but of how African families became scattered across different parts of the continent in search of better economic opportunities.
Bernard Munangagwa’s father, Judah Munangagwa, was President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s brother, who died in 2015. Bernard Munangagwa is therefore the president’s nephew.
The Munangagwas, as the surname is commonly spelt in Zambia, are Zambian but of Zimbabwean origin. Their forefathers moved to Zambia generations ago, and there are now more Munangagwas in Zambia than in Zimbabwe.
They have been settled in Mumbwa, in Zambia’s Central Province, about 150 kilometres west of Lusaka, for decades. Almost half of the people in Mumbwa are of Zimbabwean origin.
They were not political refugees. They moved to Zambia in search of better economic opportunities and land. In fact, President Mnangagwa’s political career began in Zambia’s founding ruling party, the United National Independence Party (UNIP).
He served as a youth secretary in UNIP before being recruited into nationalist politics by the famous Zimbabwean journalist Willie Musarurwa, prior to the split within ZAPU. When that split occurred, he joined ZANU. Musarurwa is buried at Zimbabwe’s Heroes Acre.
The original surname is MUNANGAGWA, but the president used Mnangagwa.
As they say, the rest is history.
There is nothing unusual about this. Across Africa, families have often lived on both sides of national borders. People moved in search of land, employment, trade opportunities, education, or simply a better life.
Over time, some branches of a family became citizens of one country while others remained in another.
This week could become one of the most consequential moments in Zimbabwe’s post-independence history. Forty-six years after independence, Parliament is set to debate Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, a proposal that would fundamentally reshape Zimbabwe’s political system and alter the way power is exercised and transferred.
Among its most controversial provisions is the proposal to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s term of office beyond 2028 to 2030, granting him an additional two years as president beyond the ten-year limit currently prescribed by the Constitution. The Constitution, as it stands, limits a president to two terms of five years each, a maximum of ten years in office.
This Bill will put an end to Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga's hopes of ever becoming President of Zimbabwe if it becomes law because his political pathway will have been closed.
The Bill also seeks to increase the presidential term from five years to seven years. Even more significantly, it proposes replacing the direct election of the president by the people with an indirect system in which the president would be elected by Parliament. If enacted, Zimbabweans would no longer cast ballots directly for their head of state. Instead, Members of Parliament would now choose the president.
The proposed amendments go further than that. They will expand the number of individuals entering Parliament through presidential appointment rather than direct election, increasing presidential influence over key institutions of the state. This would further concentrate power in the executive and reduce democratic accountability.
If this Bill becomes law in its current form, the consequences could extend far beyond President Mnangagwa himself. With the ruling ZANUPF party holding a dominant parliamentary majority and the opposition fragmented and weakened, the likelihood of meaningful resistance inside Parliament appears limited and academic, short of a miracle.
The mathematics of the proposal are straightforward, if the bill passes this year, ZANUPF will be assured of the presidency for the next 18 years without fear of any meaningful opposition.
If President Mnangagwa receives the additional two years, his tenure would extend to 2030. Under the proposed constitutional framework, a successor chosen in 2030 would serve a seven-year term until 2037. If re-elected for a second seven-year term by parliament, that president would remain in office until 2044.
In practical terms, this means that from 2028 onwards, Zimbabwe will go for sixteen years without a direct presidential election. The presidency would effectively be determined by Parliament rather than by the electorate. Given the current political realities, this would significantly strengthen ZANUPF’s ability to retain control of the presidency for decades to come and also control the fiscus, which is the feeding trough.
This concern is heightened by the effects of constituency delimitation carried out before the 2023 elections. The distribution of constituencies now disproportionately benefits ZANUPF strongholds while reducing the electoral weight of opposition areas.
The reality is that ZANUPF currently enjoys a substantial parliamentary advantage. If Parliament becomes the body that elects the president, that advantage becomes even more politically significant.
The debate therefore goes beyond Emmerson Mnangagwa. It is about the future architecture of the Zimbabwean state. It is about whether power should continue to derive directly from the vote of ordinary citizens or whether it should be transferred to a parliamentary process dominated by political parties.
For many Zimbabweans, this is not simply another constitutional amendment. It is a defining question about the future of democracy, accountability, and political competition in the country.
Those who believe the Bill will be stopped point to divisions within ZANUPF itself, particularly opposition from elements aligned with Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga. Yet even if internal resistance succeeds in blocking the proposal, the contest remains largely an internal ZANUPF struggle rather than a challenge emerging from a strong opposition movement. The political debate is taking place almost entirely within the ruling establishment.
That is why this week matters. The decisions taken in Parliament will shape Zimbabwe’s political landscape not merely for the next election cycle, but for a generation.
History often turns on moments that seem ordinary while they are unfolding. This may be one of those moments. If the amendments pass, Zimbabwe will enter a fundamentally different constitutional era. If they fail, it will represent one of the most significant setbacks to an attempt to restructure the country’s political system since the adoption of the 2013 Constitution.
Whatever one’s political views, this is a week that deserves the attention of every Zimbabwean. The choices made now may determine how political power is acquired, exercised, and transferred for many years to come.
In a week when Zimbabwe’s central hospitals do not have the most basic drugs, when roads are riddled with potholes, when unemployment remains estimated at well over 90% in the informal economy, when corruption and looting are rife, when many households go for days without running water, and when a dysfunctional government appears to be at war with itself, Parliament will be debating whether this record deserves an extension of power.
Instead of debating how to fix the healthcare system, create jobs, restore public services, tackle corruption, or provide clean water, legislators will be debating whether the political leadership responsible for this state of affairs should be given more time in office through Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3.
The question before Parliament is simple. Does this record justify extending presidential tenure and changing the rules of the political game, or should they at least attempt to uphold the principle that Zimbabwe is a democracy and reject the Bill?
Any serious student of Zimbabwean politics understands the reality. With the opposition weakened and largely ineffective, the prospects of stopping the Bill through conventional parliamentary means appear slim. Short of a major political rupture within the ruling establishment, or some form of intervention from forces opposed to the extension project, many Zimbabweans are now hoping against hope.
This week may well determine whether Zimbabwe remains a country where citizens have a realistic opportunity to change their leadership through the ballot box, or whether the door closes even further on that possibility.
The tragedy for Zimbabwe is that there is no conventional opposition that is visibly strong enough to stop this Bill. The traditional opposition has been weakened to such an extent that many Zimbabweans who have never been members of ZANUPF now find themselves looking towards Vice President Constantino Chiwenga as the only figure within the system who might be capable of mounting any meaningful resistance.
Yet even if he were to prevail in this internal struggle, it would not represent a fundamental change of direction. It would still be ZANUPF. It would still be the same political system, the same party, and largely the same state architecture, only with a different face at the top.
That is the real tragedy of Zimbabwean politics in 2026. The destruction of a credible and effective opposition has left many citizens with no alternative centre of political power to rally behind. As a result, hopes that would ordinarily be invested in an opposition movement are now being placed in a faction of ZANUPF itself.
Zimbabweans are effectively watching an internal contest within the ruling party and hoping that one faction is strong enough to stop Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 from becoming law. That is how narrow the political space has become.
It is heads, you get ZANUPF. Tails, you still get ZANUPF.
It is also important to note that the Members of Parliament who will be debating this Bill have a direct personal incentive to support it. Under the proposed changes, they too stand to benefit from a two-year extension of their own terms in office. In other words, they are not being asked to make a decision that affects only the President. They are being asked to vote on a measure that could also prolong their own stay in Parliament.
This creates an obvious conflict of interest. The very individuals tasked with deciding whether the extension is in the national interest are themselves among its beneficiaries. For many Zimbabweans, this raises a fundamental question about whether Parliament can impartially adjudicate a matter from which its members stand to gain politically and financially.
Put simply, the Bill does not merely extend the tenure of the President. It also extends the tenure of many of the politicians who will be voting on it. That sweetener cannot be ignored when analysing the politics surrounding Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3.
That is why it is important to understand why President Mnangagwa and his allies, are opposed to subject the bill to a national referendum.
For many citizens, the hope that this Bill can be stopped increasingly resembles the words spoken by Emperor Haile Selassie and later immortalised by Bob Marley, a fleeting illusion to be pursued, but never attained.
Whether that pessimism proves justified remains to be seen, but the fact that millions of Zimbabweans are now pinning their hopes on a battle within ZANUPF rather than on a democratic alternative tells its own story about the state of the nation.
So many of my followers have been asking me to comment on the political crisis currently unfolding in Senegal.
The two central figures are President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and former Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko.
These two men were once very close political allies. In fact, both were former tax inspectors before entering politics. Sonko became the more charismatic and popular figure of resistance, especially among young Senegalese voters, because of his anti-establishment politics, pan-African rhetoric and attacks on corruption and foreign influence in Senegalese affairs.
Under former president Macky Sall, Ousmane Sonko faced a series of court cases and legal battles which he and his supporters argued were politically motivated and designed to block him from running for president. Eventually, court rulings made it impossible for Sonko to stand in the 2024 presidential election. He was blocked.
To get around that obstacle, Sonko backed his close ally Bassirou Diomaye Faye to run for presidency, who was himself also detained at the time but didn’t have an order that prohibited him from running.
The campaign message was simple, if you support Sonko and his agenda, vote for Faye. It worked. Faye won the presidency and immediately appointed Sonko as prime minister.
But once in power, tensions began emerging between the two men. Their alliance was built around a promise of radical political and economic change, including reducing foreign influence and reforming governance in Senegal.
However, divisions emerged over the pace and direction of those reforms, as well as over relations with international financial institutions such as the IMF and Senegal’s traditional Western allies. Supporters of Sonko increasingly accused Faye of moving away from the political programme that brought them to power by slowing down on reforms and his association with France.
Last week, President Faye dismissed Sonko as prime minister and dissolved the government, officially confirming the political divorce between the two men.
What makes this crisis even more serious is that Sonko remains the dominant political figure inside the ruling PASTEF movement, which controls parliament and still commands strong grassroots support across Senegal.
Allies of Sonko moved to have him repositioned inside parliament after his dismissal, they quickly moved to have him elected as president of the Senegalese parliament.
The reality is that Senegal now effectively has two competing centres of power: President Faye controls the presidency and state machinery, while Sonko appears to command stronger support within the ruling party base and among many ordinary Senegalese citizens.
If elections were held today, many political analysts believe Sonko would remain the stronger political force. But Senegal is now entering a dangerous phase where the alliance that removed Macky Sall from power has collapsed from within.
Sonko has now been elected President of Senegal’s National Assembly after his allies consolidated their majority in parliament. President Bassirou Diomaye Faye reportedly attempted to block or delay that process through legal avenues and court action today, but the parliamentary vote still went ahead and Sonko emerged victorious.
Senegal now effectively has two competing centres of power. Faye controls the presidency and the executive branch of government, while Sonko now controls parliament through the presidency of the National Assembly and retains significant political influence within the ruling coalition and among ordinary Senegalese citizens.
That is the Senegalese story so far.
THE WEDDING THAT REVEALS…
That ‘wedding’ guest list is not merely a list of invitees; it is a roll call of the few who continue to plunder the nation’s wealth and resources for their own benefit. The obscene display of looted wealth stinks to high heaven.
It stands in painful contrast to the widespread poverty endured by us ordinary citizens.:.seen in collapsing healthcare, a struggling education system, eroded savings and pensions, paltry salaries, and decaying infrastructure.
At a time when millions are suffering, such extravagance exposes the deep inequality and moral decay at the heart of our society.
This should serve as a wake-up call for all of us to say: enough is enough. We must stop this nonsense #CAB3 and demand a new leadership with a citizens mandate that serves the all rather than a privileged few. State capture is the worst form of treason! #WeTheCitizens
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