Paweł P

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@_zboral Jeździłem tymi dokładnie rondami wiele razy i z nie widziałem tam więcej stłuczek niż statystycznie. Na jednym z takich rond wcześniej było klasyczne malowanie wielopasowe i ilość stłuczek wg mnie spadła po przemalowaniu na takie jak widać.

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@TeryAsic1 @The_Krzysztof Może w takim powinna być osobna kategoria prawa jazdy na ciężarówki gdzie na kursie uczą, że to ciężki pojazd o dłużej hamuje i trzeba to brać pod uwagę? ;)

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@MSamojedny @JohnnyB19888 @Piechocinski Pierwszy dzień w Internecie? ;)

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@MichalMordeczka @konrad_muzyka

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@hws5mp @Boneyardsafari Perhaps @TomcatJunkie can confirm or correct me

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@hws5mp @Boneyardsafari From what I’ve read, yes. Coolant tanks were in front fuselage pylons and then piped to all 6 hardpoints as needed

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@hws5mp @Boneyardsafari IIRC it was possible but only with „dry” AIM-54s since forward fuselage pylons contained coolant for the classic versions

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@BudujacyOjciec I na czym stanęło? Mamy bardzo podobną sytuację i moja największa obawa, to że drzewo zacznie za 10-15lat niszczyć fundamenty.

Obecnie niestety skłaniamy sie ku wycince ale jeszcze rozważamy różne metody zabezpieczenia fundamentów

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@MattLech23 - Wacław dotarł do domu? Wszystko z Nim ok?

Żona prosiła, żebym spytał bo widziała wczoraj w Warszawie i wyglądał na zmęczonego…

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@hog_wards @7Baster7 @PlSankara @grok @ct12cz @defacto37 I envy your peace of mind. It must be incredibly liberating to hold beliefs so powerful that no amount of proof can disturb them.

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@aronets Od tygodnia słyszę od wszystkich tutaj jako migi są stare, bezużyteczne i Ukraina ich nie chce bo ma F-16, Mirage i Gripeny.

Dlaczego zatem martwi Was tak fakt wycofania starego i bezużytecznego sprzetu?

A jeśli jednak mają wartość to zapraszamy do negocjacji: quid pro quo

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@BudujacyOjciec prawie 25% pow. użytkowej to garaż + kotłownia. sąsiedzi popełnili błąd robiąc 1-stanowiskowe i teraz wszyscy parkują przed domami. Nie uwierzysz ale w domu potrzebna jest kosiarka, taczka, jakieś łopaty i grabie. dorzuć ze 2-3 rowery i nagle samochód przestaje się mieścić ;)

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@BudujacyOjciec pow. całkowita 266m2, użytkowa 205m2 z czego sporo to garaż bo chcieliśmy by wchodziły 2 samochody i zostało jeszcze miejsce na rowery, kosiarkę czy "przydasie"

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@BudujacyOjciec U nas nie dało się gotowca ze względu na specyficzne ograniczenia w WZ. Usiedliśmy z p. architekt, przejrzeliśmy różne projekty, powiedzieliśmy co nam się w każdym z nich podoba a co nie i tyle.

W cenie są też projekty podstawowych instalacji jak C/O, wod-kan czy elektryczna

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@BudujacyOjciec 30k za projekt to sporo.
Dom domowi nierówny ale nam udało się projekt indywidualny zrobić za trochę ponad połowę tej kwoty.

[Peter W. Kruger @pwk]

I love Norman Davies (I’ve read most of his books) and I appreciate where he is trying to go with this attempt to build a sort of framework of reconciliation. What better way than giving a bit of "truth" and recognition to each party?

- to the Poles: Volhynia was a genocide (note: how could he say otherwise, having written extensively and in excruciating detail about the "genocide" in at least two of his major books?).

- to the Ukrainians: 90% of UPA had nothing to do with the massacres in Volhynia.

Nice trick, but, for once, I am sorry to say, he appears to act more as a politician than as as the great historian he is.

After all, what does 90% even mean? Where does that number even come from?

Well, if we count the number of civilians murdered by the UPA, the 90% makes clearly a lot of sense. But in reverse. Even by the most conservative estimates (that Norman Davies knows far too well) the UPA murdered at least 80 thousand Poles (Snyder/Motyka) but also tens of thousands of Ukrainians, followed by jews, Checks, Armenians, Roma, Georgians, and Russians. That without even counting the fact that most of the UPA units carrying out the killings were made by the very same units that had previously participated in the deportation of Poles (and other Soviet enemies) in 1939, and to the even more horrific killings of jews in 1941 (and if you have any doubts about this link, please read Timothy Snyder's extensive writing about it).

By contrast, even taking the most "optimistic" estimates in terms of enemy soldiers killed (Polish AK, Soviet partisans and military, Germans, other Ukrainian factions) you won't reach the number of 10 thousand.

So, yes, that 90% makes a lot of sense: 90% of murdered civilians (most often in the most gruesome manner).

But, maybe, what Davis wants to say is that 90% of the UPA members did not participate in the killings. Yet also here the numbers tend to throw out the right opposite. According to all reputable historians, the UPA reached its peak (20 to 40 thousand members) in 1943-44, precisely when most of the civilian killings took place, and rapidly fell in numbers as the Soviets reoccupied Western Ukraine (precisely when the most "glorious" phase of UPA's history begins).

Of course, not all UPA members took part in the murders, but it's hard to see how a very significant part of the organization, if not most of it, did not participate in some way to the mass killings.

There is only a last way of making sense of his 90% claim: time. If we take the history of the organization, we have an initial phase of about 1-3 years of mass civilian killings (1942-44) followed by about 10 years of "glorious" fight for independence (that still left a huge number of murdered civilians, mostly Ukrainians seen as Soviet collaborators).

So, yes, in terms of the lifespan of the organization, Davis can claim that 90% of the UPA had nothing to do with Volhynia (and Eastern Galicia, etc.), but I am not sure that the argument is going to sound convincing to the victims. Or to any one who has in hate organizations that carried out the brutal mass exterminations of civilians.

Bending history to politics is never a nice practice. Especially if done by a venerable historian.

That said: Slava Ukraini. Niech żyje Polska.

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@WojtekMoto @bezprawnik Ja rozumiem, że w pensjonacie „Irena” prowadzonym, przez Panią Krystynę z Mężem tak może by ale w przypadku hotelu gdzie płacisz 5000za pokój za noc to uzasadnienie ekonomiczne jest.

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@Skilllos @J3llybeanTalon @Nephilim_1976 @Oksii33 We offered them to US so that US give them to UA as in early days it was not 100% sure how Russia would react. That’s also why MiGs already donated had been done so secretly with knowledge getting public only much later

[Paweł P @przybysz86]

@Skilllos @Nephilim_1976 @Oksii33 We don’t want to get rid of them. That’s why the deal was cancelled. We’ve been considering giving them in exchange for specific know-how as in the long run it would’ve benefited us more - not to mention all the other stuff you got INCLUDING paying for your Starlinks

[Sławomir Dębski @SlawomirDebski]

I think this frames the issue too much as a dispute about history, when in reality it is about the future.

No Polish politician would pay any political price if Ukraine chose to honor the defenders of Donetsk Airport, the soldiers who fought at Debaltseve, or the defenders of Azovstal in Mariupol. Those are modern symbols of courage in the face of Russian aggression.

Instead, someone in Ukraine decided that Russia’s invasion was an opportunity to rehabilitate the blood-stained legacy of OUN-UPA by symbolically merging it with today’s defenders of Ukraine. Heroes are commemorated because they are meant to serve as role models for future generations. That is precisely why the choice matters.

This creates a strategic dilemma for Polish politicians. They are asked to support Ukraine against Russia while, at the same time, being expected to support the elevation of people responsible for the planned ethnic cleansing of Polish civilians into national role models. It is entirely legitimate to ask whether Poland should help strengthen such a narrative.

Nobody in Poland wants to choose Ukraine’s heroes. That is Ukraine’s sovereign decision. But by the same token, nobody can expect Poles to vote for policies that strengthen a state consciously building part of its national identity around figures perceived in Poland as perpetrators of mass crimes against Polish civilians.

And this is not simply President Nawrocki’s position. The current government of Prime Minister Tusk has ultimately reached the same conclusion in its dealings with President Zelensky. That should tell us this is not about electoral politics or one political camp - it reflects a much broader strategic and societal consensus in Poland.