Records, yes. But records from both sides, not one side’s press statement presented as a final verdict.
Peter Obi has made a specific claim: that over ₦2.13bn was left untouched in First Bank account 2018779464 as ecological funds for the Oko/Umuchiana erosion project.
The Anambra Government has now made an equally specific counterclaim: that its certified statement shows the account was an IGR Consolidated Revenue Account and never carried the ₦2.13bn Obi described.
Fine. Publish the certified statement. Let Nigerians inspect it.
But don't jump from “the government says the account doesn't support Obi's claim” to “therefore Obi stole the money.” Those are two different propositions.
The same applies to the loans. The state says eight external borrowings contracted between 2007 and 2013 remained outstanding, with a reported $92.35m balance as of June 2026. But that does not mean ₦127bn was sitting in Anambra's account as cash debt in 2014; the figure is a later naira conversion of outstanding external obligations.
So let's actually demand all the primary documents:
• First Bank's certified statement for account 2018779464
• The federal release/allocation record for the alleged ecological fund
• Anambra's 2014 debt schedule at handover
• The original loan agreements and repayment schedules
• The DMO records showing what was outstanding on March 17, 2014
• The handover financial statements
• Evidence supporting Obi's claim that salaries, pensions, gratuities and certified contractors were fully settled.
That's the standard Nigerians should demand.
If Obi's records are wrong, expose them with documents. If the government's records are wrong, expose them with documents.
Politics should not be a competition over who can write the more convincing narrative.
Bring the primary records. Let the numbers speak.
This argument sounds explosive until you separate the facts from the assumptions.
Yes, contemporary reports identify Chief Sylvester Nwobu-Alor as Peter Obi’s Special Adviser on Parks and Markets.
But that alone does not prove that Anambra State money was diverted, that the appointment was corrupt, or that Peter Obi personally benefited from revenue collections. Those are separate allegations requiring separate evidence.
The IGR argument also needs context. NBS records put Anambra’s IGR at ₦4.6bn in 2006 and ₦8.73bn in 2013. So the claim that it simply remained around the 2005 level throughout Obi's tenure is misleading.
More importantly, IGR is not the same thing as total government revenue, and an increase in IGR or lack of a dramatic increase doesn't by itself tell you whether money was stolen.
If the question is “Where did the money go?”, then show the audited accounts, revenue collection records, procurement documents, bank statements, or an official investigation establishing that money was missing.
Otherwise, we're moving from:
“His uncle held a strategic appointment”
to
“therefore revenue must have disappeared.”
That's an allegation, not evidence.
And if Peter Obi's claim about never appointing a family member is being challenged, the cleanest argument is to establish exactly what he meant by “family member,” whether Nwobu Alor was actually his uncle, and the precise dates and legal status of that appointment.
Debate the record. Don't turn an appointment into a corruption conviction without the missing evidence.
Calling it a lie is easy; proving it is the harder part.
If Peter Obi said he received an emergency call at 2 a.m., drove to the erosion site and contacted Obasanjo from there, then the real question is: what evidence proves that account false?
Was the call log checked? Was Obasanjo asked? Is there a contemporaneous record contradicting him?
Criticise politicians with evidence, not just “he lies effortlessly” because you dislike the politician.
If the story is false, expose the inconsistency. If you cannot prove it false, then it remains an unverified claim not a proven lie.
This comparison needs more evidence than an anecdote about Anambra residents travelling to Delta.
If the argument is that Uduaghan's healthcare policy was better than Obi's, then compare measurable outcomes: healthcare spending, number and condition of public hospitals, doctor-to-patient ratios, maternal and infant mortality, access to primary healthcare, and documented patient numbers.
And partnering with mission/church hospitals isn't automatically evidence of failure. If government funds or contracts those facilities to provide healthcare to citizens, the relevant question is whether patients actually received quality and affordable care.
Likewise, doctors going on strike is serious, but you need to establish the frequency, duration and specific causes before attributing every strike directly to a governor's leadership.
As for “leaving money in the bank,” nobody should confuse a bank balance with good governance. But the opposite is also true: spending money doesn't automatically equal good governance.
The real test is simple: What was collected, what was spent, where was it spent, and what measurable results did citizens get?
Let's compare the records not political folklore.
The Mambilla revelations raise serious questions that Atiku should answer, particularly concerning the $500,000 payment to his former wife and the timing of that payment before the Sunrise contract.
But let's also be intellectually honest.
The ICC tribunal examined the transaction and found the explanation for it unsupported by the contemporaneous documentation. That is significant.
However, saying “the tribunal proved Atiku collected a $500,000 bribe” goes beyond what the ruling itself established. The tribunal did not find that Atiku personally received the money or conclusively establish that the payment was a bribe to secure the Mambilla contract.
So let Atiku answer the substantive questions.
What was the $500,000 payment for?
Why was it made to his former wife's account?
Why was the transaction poorly documented?
And what, if any, connection did it have to the Mambilla negotiations?
Those are legitimate questions.
Evidence should determine the conclusion not campaign rhetoric from either side.
Then this should be very easy to settle.
If Peter Obi claimed he left money behind and the current Anambra Government says no such money existed, where is the documented handover record contradicting him?
Show the audited accounts, treasury records and the 2014 handover documents. Specify the exact amount Obi claimed, the account it was allegedly held in, and what the records show happened to it.
But let's also be consistent: a government saying “we found no money” is an allegation, not itself proof that the previous governor lied.
If the records contradict Obi, publish them.
If Obi's records support his claim, publish those too.
This isn't a contest of who can shout “liar” the loudest. Put the books on the table and reconcile the figures.
“Records are clear” is not enough. Which records, exactly?
If you're alleging that Peter Obi personally owed Water Corporation workers and that this proves his statement that he left no debt was false, then produce the specific documents: the liability recorded at handover, the amount outstanding when he left office, who legally owed it, and the evidence that it remained unpaid.
A protest by workers and testimonies from individuals can establish that there was a grievance, but they don't automatically establish the precise legal liability or prove that Obi personally made a false statement.
If Obi said he left Anambra without outstanding liabilities, then the proper test is simple:
What did the official handover records say, what did the audited accounts say, and what do the relevant debt records say?
Put all three side by side.
If the records contradict Obi, let the records demonstrate it. If they don't, then the allegation needs to be corrected.
Facts first. Verdicts after the evidence.
This interview exposed the weakness in the argument.
Rufai asked a straightforward question: “Why didn't Peter Obi declare the debt profile before now?”
Tanko didn't answer.
“Obi has declared what he has” is not the same as explaining whether the ₦22 billion and $30 million debt allegedly reflected in DMO records were disclosed at handover.
And when pressed again, the answer became: “Ask Peter Obi.” 😂
Fair enough. Then let Peter Obi answer it directly.
Were those liabilities included in the 2014 handover records or not?
If yes, show Nigerians exactly where.
If no, explain why.
No insults, no “Obidients vs opposition,” no changing the subject. Just reconcile the handover documents with the DMO records and let the facts speak.
Rufai: There's evidence from the DMO that Peter Obi left N22 billion and $30 million as debts. Why didn't Obi declare them before now?
Obidient Movement National Coordinator, Yunusa Tanko: I just read to you his statement and what he handed over.
Rufai: No, no. Why didn't he declare the debts before now?
Yunusa Tanko: He has already declared what he has, and he has made it public to every Nigerian. He didn't hide anything.
Rufai: No, the debt profile. Why didn't he declare these debts before now?
Yunusa Tanko: I'm sure when you meet Peter Obi, he will be able to answer all of your questions. You would have asked him directly on this particular matter.
Rufai asked a very simple question: If the DMO records show an outstanding debt profile, why wasn't that debt profile clearly declared at handover?
Tanko's answer was basically: “Ask Peter Obi.”
That's not an answer. 😂
And this is exactly why the issue needs to move beyond political talking points. Put Obi's March 2014 handover document beside the DMO debt records and reconcile them line by line.
If the debts were properly disclosed, show Nigerians where they were disclosed.
If they were not, explain why.
And if the facilities were structured differently from the way the Anambra government is presenting them, provide the loan agreements and explain the structure.
Nobody should be convicted by a TV interview, but nobody should escape a legitimate question by referring the journalist back to the principal either.
The documents should answer this one.
Calling something a “lie” doesn't make it one, and a spokesperson saying “ask Peter Obi” doesn't magically prove your allegation.
If there are concrete claims against Obi, put the evidence on the table and let him answer them. If his spokespersons cannot answer on his behalf, that's a communication issue not proof that their principal is a “bloody liar.”
Politics is not a courtroom where whoever shouts “LIAR!” the loudest automatically wins.
Bring the documents. Bring the figures. Bring the records.
Then let's debate the facts, not insults.
If Felix Morka has the documents proving that Atiku personally “squandered $16 billion,” then this should be very easy: publish the documents and let the EFCC or a competent court establish what happened.
Because there is a huge difference between saying $16bn was allocated/spent on power projects under an administration and proving that Atiku personally squandered $16bn.
Atiku has already challenged the government: investigate him, produce the evidence and prosecute him if there is a case.
So let's stop recycling the headline and produce the receipts.
Who approved what?
Who received what?
How much was actually released?
What projects were executed?
And where exactly does the evidence implicate Atiku personally?
That's accountability not political sound bites.
This is where Peter Obi's “I left Anambra debt-free” narrative now needs serious clarification.
Anambra Government says eight external facilities linked to the Obi era are still being serviced, with about $92.35m — roughly ₦127.4bn at the stated exchange rate — outstanding as of June 2026. The government also says FAAC allocations are still being deducted to service them.
Now, nobody is saying borrowing for development is automatically a crime. The real issue is simple:
If these were legitimate World Bank, federal-supported facilities, explain exactly what they were, how much Anambra received, how much was outstanding when you left office, and what you meant when you repeatedly said you didn't borrow and left no liabilities.
No propaganda. No emotional blackmail.
Put the DMO records, loan agreements, disbursements and repayment schedules side by side and let Nigerians judge the facts.
Hold on. An allegation is not a conviction, and a Saturday deadline on X is not an EFCC investigation. 😂
The Anambra Government has made serious claims about loans and other liabilities allegedly linked to Peter Obi’s tenure, and Obi has publicly disputed them. That dispute should be settled with the actual DMO records, loan agreements, disbursement records, repayment schedules, audited accounts and handover documents not emotional accusations and ultimatums.
If the evidence is as conclusive as you claim, submit it to the EFCC and let the appropriate authorities investigate. There is no need to give Peter Obi a Twitter deadline before “dragging” him anywhere.
Let the documents speak. If wrongdoing is established, let the law take its course. If the figures are being misrepresented, let that also be established.
Politics should not turn allegations into verdicts before an investigation even begins.
“Some Nigerians are asking us to slow down because their freezers are freezing too fast.” 😂
If that is genuinely happening, then fair enough improved electricity supply is something Nigerians should welcome.
But one person enjoying stable power doesn't erase another person losing business because of an outage.
The real victory isn't Nigerians joking about too much light. It is Nigerians being able to plan their businesses, protect their appliances and work confidently because electricity is reliable.
Let the government give us consistency, not just funny anecdotes.
Exactly. The ideological differences being exaggerated today need to be tested against their actual policy positions.
Atiku publicly supported fuel-subsidy removal before the 2023 election and said he would remove it within his first 100 days if elected.
Tinubu also consistently advocated ending the subsidy and eventually implemented the policy in May 2023.
So the more useful debate isn't simply “who is left or right?” It's who has been consistent, what exactly did each person propose, and how would they implement it?
Political labels are cheap. Records are harder to rewrite.
This is bigger than dinner and photographs.
President Macron receiving President Tinubu at the Élysée Palace reflects the strategic importance of Nigeria–France relations.
But diplomacy should ultimately produce results: more investment, stronger security cooperation, technology, jobs and opportunities for Nigerians.
The handshake is good. The deliverables matter more.
😂 The problem with this argument is that it demands evidence from Obi while quietly treating a political conclusion as established fact.
If Obi says INEC’s records support his claim, the proper response is simple: ask him to identify the specific record and verify it against INEC’s published results. That is how serious fact-checking works.
But calling him “Package Fraud” and laughing doesn't prove he lied. Neither does the fact that the 2023 election produced a declared winner. A disputed claim should be tested against the actual polling-unit results, collation records and court findings not reduced to “he's still talking about it after three years.”
If the record doesn't support Obi, show the record. If it does, show that too. Facts don't need insults to survive scrutiny. 😂
If this report is accurate, this is difficult to defend. Political mobilisation is one thing; telling commercial drivers what political cap they must wear before they can operate from a motor park is another.
If APC has performed well, campaign for the votes. Convince the drivers. Don’t make political allegiance a condition for accessing a public facility.
And Governor Okpebholo should clarify whether he authorised this directive. Public office is for serving citizens, not compelling them to advertise a political party.
😂 Political defections and people falling out with Peter Obi are not evidence that he lied or deceived anyone.
If there are specific claims you believe Obi made that were false, put the claim beside the documented facts and let people examine them. That is stronger than compiling a list of people who no longer support him.
As for Soludo, political disagreements between two politicians don't automatically prove that one has “dealt a mortal blow” to the other. Obi's political strength or weakness should ultimately be assessed through verifiable records, organisation, public support and electoral performance not social-media narratives about who has stopped giving him audience.
Bring the facts, not just the fallout. 😂
This is exactly where accountability must begin. If 33 people died while in state custody, “suspected disease outbreak” should be the beginning of the investigation, not the end of the explanation.
Authorities need to establish the timeline: when the detainees were brought in, their condition on arrival, when symptoms began, how frequently they were checked, when medical attention was requested, what treatment was provided, and why so many deaths occurred before effective intervention.
These were people in government custody, which means the state had a heightened duty of care. Their families deserve more than condolences they deserve facts, an independent investigation and accountability if negligence or misconduct is established.