Blessed Sunday.
Echoes from West Africa @AmeyawDebrah
Chosen by ancestors means I'm appointed
Rastaman a chant me nah bald head
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Property inflation in Zimbabwe is wild. This house in Glen View township is selling for US$60,000 (approximately R1.08 million); the exact amount I paid for my house in Chisipite in the affluent northern suburbs in 2001.
To show you how extreme property inflation has become in Zimbabwe, I bought my Chisipite house for US$60,000 (approximately R480,000 at the time) in 2001. It went on the market in August 2023, and I sold it in September 2023 for US$460,000 (approximately R8.28 million) in cash.
I could have received US$600,000 (approximately R10.8 million) had I accepted Nostro funds, but because of the uncertainties surrounding Nostro payments, I opted for cash and took a US$140,000 (approximately R2.52 million) hit.
Property prices in Zimbabwe are exceptionally high for several reasons.
First, Zimbabwe has never embarked on a massive nationwide housing development programme since 1980. As a result, most of the affluent properties changing hands today were built during the Rhodesian era.
South Africa has built millions of affluent new homes since 1994, which has helped keep property prices relatively reasonable compared to Zimbabwe. When housing supply increases, it eases pressure on prices. Zimbabwe, by contrast, has seen very little large-scale housing development since 1980, so limited supply continues to push prices higher, especially in established suburbs.
Second, very few Zimbabweans trust the banking system after losing their savings multiple times over the years. Property has therefore become one of the safest stores of value.
Third, a significant number of Chinese investors are using Zimbabwe’s property market to launder money. They mine, avoid banking much of their proceeds, and purchase property, often holding it until the timing suits them. Ordinary Zimbabweans simply cannot compete with that kind of capital.
Zimbabwean real estate companies are now advertising in Mandarin because Chinese buyers are purchasing northern suburbs properties like confetti.
This is pushing prices higher, not only in the northern suburbs but also in middle-income suburbs and even townships.
A fourth factor is that Zimbabwe’s economy has not created enough affordable mortgage finance.
In countries with stable banking systems, young professionals can borrow over 20 or 30 years to buy homes. In Zimbabwe, banks are reluctant to offer long-term mortgages because of economic instability, inflation, and currency uncertainty.
As a result, most property transactions are cash-based, shutting out ordinary salaried workers who cannot raise hundreds of thousands of US dollars upfront.
When I was 29 years old, I was able to buy a house in Chisipite using a CABS mortgage. That is virtually impossible today. A 29-year-old earning a normal salary would never qualify for a mortgage to buy the same house at US$460,000 (approximately R8.28 million), let alone US$600,000 (approximately R10.8 million). Banks know they would not be able to service such a loan.
To put this into perspective, a house that cost £60,000 in Britain in 2001 would typically be worth around £180,000 to £220,000 today, assuming it has simply followed average market growth and has not been substantially renovated.
In my case, a house bought for US$60,000 (approximately R480,000 at the time) in Zimbabwe was worth US$460,000 (approximately R8.28 million) just 22 years later.
That is why it has become almost impossible for an employed Zimbabwean to dream of owning a house in Chisipite or many of the other affluent northern suburbs. Property prices have risen far beyond what ordinary salaries can support.
The long-term solution is not to hope that property prices collapse. Zimbabwe needs a housing revolution. Just as South Africa built millions of new homes after 1994, Zimbabwe needs a massive national housing programme involving both the public and private sectors. Increasing the supply of housing would ease pressure on prices and make home ownership more attainable.
At the same time, Zimbabwe needs a stable currency, confidence in the banking system, and a functioning long-term mortgage market. A young teacher, nurse, engineer, journalist, or accountant should be able to walk into a bank, qualify for a 20- or 30-year mortgage, and buy a home without having to save hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash first.
Until that happens, property ownership in many of Zimbabwe’s established suburbs will remain beyond the reach of ordinary working people. That is one of the reasons so many young professionals leave Zimbabwe; they can see no realistic path to owning a home despite working hard and earning an honest living.
A society that cannot create a realistic path for its young professionals to own a decent home is a society that is quietly robbing itself of its future. A country has failed its young people when an honest education, a decent job, and years of hard work are still not enough to own a modest home.
When hard work no longer leads to dignity, stability, and home ownership, hope begins to die. And when that hope dies, so does the reason for the country’s brightest young minds to stay.
I know politics tricks too well that even those few MPs who are saying NoTo2030 might have been bribed to say so just for the stats and to erase suspicion when they present it to the world but their number wont be enough to influence a referendum 😭😭😭.
128 BC
🔵Constitution Defenders Forum political and civic activist Freeman Chari, a biomedical scientist and software engineer, explaining in Shona language why he is opposed to Constitutional Amendment Bill N0.3.
For those who don't understand Shona, he is basically saying it is wrong for President Emmerson Mnangagwa to extend his term of office by two more years to 2030 because the constitution doesn't allow him to do that even if he, let's assume, he has done well in office.
He says the late former Botswana president Festus Mogae built a lot of hospitals and infrastructure for hi country, but when his time to go came he left, in fact before that.
Chari says there is no justification at all for Mnangagwa to stay any longer as the constitution doesn't allow that even if he would have supposedly performed wonders in office, which he didn't.
He further says he is opposed to the proposal to elect a President through parliament because the constitution provides for a direct vote and in any case Zimbabwe is coming from the parliamentary system between 1980 and 1987 where initially the Prime Minister was elected by parliament, and in which the president was elected by the legislature from 1987 to 1990.
He goes on to further speak about delimitation of constituencies and gerrymandering, and the process of entrenchment of Zanu PF rule through the parliamentary model.
Chari also deals with other key issues which are part of the raft of political, electoral and governance changes in the constitutional amendments, including the Gender Commission.
In short, he says the amendments are bad through and through for him.
1/ The removal/reassignment of Dr Fulton Mangwanya as CIO Director General this week has fascinated me.
Full disclosure: I have a long-standing obsession with intelligence, security & the hidden architecture of state power.
So let's talk about ALL the CIO DGs since independence.