I stand with South Africans
As Namibians, we should be very careful not to blindly go against South Africans whenever concerns about immigration are raised and immediately label everything as xenophobia. The moment we dismiss every concern as xenophobia, we risk opening ourselves to the same challenges in our Namibia that we work hard to keep peaceful, stable and functional.
South Africans are increasingly being gaslighted to feel that being frustrated about illegal immigration, crime and the ultimate breakdown of their fabric automatically makes them xenophobic. That dangerous oversimplification could easily happen in Namibia too if we are not vigilant.
As Namibians we have built a culture where corruption is not casually accepted. We live in a country where politicians, CEOs, directors, public officials can be arrested when they misuse public resources. That is not just the stance of the Police, the Anti-Corruption Commission, or one political party, but our collective stance as Namibians. We care deeply about our country and what could happen if we become careless.
We challenge wrongdoing in Parliament, on radio stations, in taxis, in newspapers, in offices, in WhatsApp groups, at police stations, in courts, etc. We speak up because we value accountability. That culture is not to be compromised to accommodate skin colour.
Not to say there's zero corruption here, but there is a strong public expectation that leaders must be accountable. We care how the public feels. Even within the ruling party, many people genuinely want progress and national development rather than theft and self-enrichment.
We speak out when public resources are misused that even something as simple as a politician’s child posing on an official government vehicle paid for by taxpayers becomes a national conversation. That level of scrutiny protects our standards unlike I'm other countries where children of the corrupt openly flex with designer clothes and stacks of money.
My concern? If we allow people who ran down their own countries to come here and repeat the same patterns, we risk damaging what we have built. I don't want a Namibia where our children are exposed to more drugs, prostitution, organized crime, or corruption networks because of blind loyalty to a race.
Foreign nationals who come to South Africa should respect the laws of that country. Be there legally, contribute positively, do not come to add to crime, corruption, or instability. Every country already has enough internal challenges to solve.
To me, that is basic respect when you are a visitor in another country. You contribute positively to the house you enter, not negatively, because when things deteriorate, some people can always return home but citizens remain to deal with the consequences.
I stand with the principle that countries have a right to protect opportunities for their own people while still caring lawful, respectful visitors fairly, but not as a priority. I cannot imagine a day where Namibians are made to feel guilty for wanting their children to have priority access to opportunities in their own country.
I have seen situations in sectors like engineering, valuation, land surveying, architecture, health, and other professions where locals struggled to enter industries that foreign professionals were accommodated in. That reality has frustrated many young Namibians trying to build careers because they were being sabotaged, purposely failed in exams even at varsity.
I know we're being gaslighted to believe we can also go and compete for opportunities in those countries. If you're running away from there when it's your home, how stupid am I to believe there's something for me there?
I cannot be tricked out of Namibia.
Our country is beautiful, built through discipline, and we should never fall for labels being put on South Africans for trying to protect what they've built.
I agree with Trevor Noah’s analysis of the immigration debate in South Africa, and I also agree with Julius Malema’s noble desire for Africa to be one.
From the outset, I must be clear that the biggest obstacle to African unity has been African leadership. Some of our countries have been independent for more than 60 years, yet we are still far from achieving the level of integration many Pan-Africanists envisioned. The failure to get there is fundamentally a leadership issue.
I want to focus on what Julius Malema has said. He is one of the continent’s most outspoken Pan-Africanists, and his vision of a more united Africa is both admirable and inspiring. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunctionality of leadership across much of the continent, Pan-Africanism has, in some circles in South Africa, become a dirty word.
That is a tragedy because the principle itself is not the problem. The problem is that many African leaders have failed to create the political, economic, and institutional conditions necessary to make that vision a reality.
So let us look carefully at what Julius Malema is saying.
I have great respect for Julius Malema when it comes to his Pan-African outlook, but I am afraid to say that the idea of an Africa with one passport, one currency, and a fully integrated political and economic system is unlikely to happen within our lifetime.
It is good to dream and to idealise the kind of Africa we would like to see, but in its current political and economic format, the continent is nowhere near achieving that goal. I am 55 years old, so when I talk about a lifetime, I am talking about the next 25 years. If I live to 80, that would be wonderful, but I do not believe Africa will achieve that level of integration within that timeframe.
The reason is quite simple. If you look at the European Union, countries do not simply join because they want to. They must first meet a long list of requirements and benchmarks. These include economic standards, institutional capacity, governance standards, judicial independence, and human rights protections.
Even if we set aside the human rights question in Africa, because we know that remains a long journey, the economic question alone presents a major obstacle. A truly united continent can only emerge if its member states are led by competent, educated, and trustworthy leaders who build functioning economies capable of providing opportunities for their own citizens.
The current xenophobic, Afrophobic, and anti-immigration discourse taking place in South Africa is often crude and sometimes ugly. However, stripped of the crudeness, there is an important point being raised that cannot simply be ignored. For Africans to unite successfully, they cannot first unite in one country. They must first unite across the continent by creating broadly comparable economic opportunities and living standards.
For example, a Ghanaian should be able to travel to Zimbabwe visa-free. That is largely a political decision. But if that Ghanaian wants to relocate permanently to Zimbabwe, then the economies of Ghana and Zimbabwe should have a reasonable degree of parity. People should not be compelled to migrate primarily because one country is functioning while another is failing.
The same applies across the continent. Someone should not feel forced to leave the Democratic Republic of Congo for South Africa purely because of economic collapse at home. If integration is driven solely by economics, then the countries that are relatively well managed will inevitably carry the burden of those that are not.
This is an intellectual discussion that Africa cannot avoid.
Resource competition is often what inflames tensions. If someone moves from a poor community in Mozambique to a poor community in South Africa, both groups are competing for the same clinics, schools, housing, jobs, and social services. That is where tensions arise.
Interestingly, illegal immigrants from Europe are rarely part of the immigration debate in South Africa. Many people immediately attribute this to race, but there is another factor that deserves consideration. Wealthy immigrants generally live in affluent communities where there is little or no competition for scarce public resources.
Take Chatunga Mugabe, for example. He lived in Hyde Park, drove expensive cars, and socialised in Sandton. Nobody was concerned about his immigration status. Likewise, where I live in South Africa, there are immigrants from the United Kingdom, Spain, Germany, Kenya, and elsewhere. They are largely affluent people. The South Africans living there are often excited when newcomers arrive. When I moved from Zimbabwe and bought a house on my road, both black and white South Africans invited me into their homes for dinner and wine. There was no hostility because there was no competition for resources. That reality matters.
If Africa is ever going to have one passport and one currency, we must first deal with the economic fundamentals. Most Africans do not realise that this is not primarily a political project. It is an economic one.
Turkey, for example, has spent decades seeking membership of the European Union but has not been admitted because it has not met all the requirements. Countries such as Bulgaria and Romania had to meet strict standards before joining. Their judicial systems, governance structures, healthcare systems, and institutions had to reach certain benchmarks. The same logic applies to Africa.
If every African citizen were suddenly free to seek healthcare anywhere on the continent, countries with stronger healthcare systems such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia would immediately face enormous pressure from people seeking treatment, including specialised care for conditions such as cancer.
That is why this discussion is important. We must have it honestly and without slogans. We must discuss it not only in universities and intellectual circles but also in townships, villages, and communities across Africa.
The dream of one Africa is a noble one. I support it. But before we get there, we must first address the economic, institutional, and governance realities that stand in the way. Until those challenges are resolved, the vision Julius Malema speaks about will remain an aspiration rather than a practical reality.
The tragedy we face today is that we are focusing on the sideshows created by tribalists and rogue political actors who are taking advantage of a genuine problem that exists in South Africa and, indeed, in other parts of Africa as well. We amplify their voices and focus on what they are saying instead of focusing on the real issue.
We should be asking ourselves a simple question. Julius Malema is right about the ideal he is advocating, but why are we not getting to where he wants us to get? Once we ask that question honestly, we are forced to examine the root causes.
There can be no economic harmony, political harmony, or any other form of harmony between countries that are operating at vastly different levels of development and functionality. Take Zimbabwe and South Africa as an example.
Zimbabwe has not had a working radiotherapy machine in its public healthcare system for more than four years. The country’s largest hospital has only one maternity theatre, built in 1977. Then look at South Africa. Its public healthcare system has some problems and could be much better, but by African standards it remains among the most advanced on the continent.
If those two countries stand side by side, as they physically do, how do you integrate them when one is dysfunctional and the other remains a functioning state? These are the root causes we need to confront.
This discussion must be held in a comprehensive and honest manner, not in fragments. We can speak about the noble aspirations of Pan-Africanism, and we can also discuss the obstacles that stand in its way. Both conversations must be held together. Only then can we identify what needs to be done and begin serious scenario planning around how to get there.
Instead, we often get beautiful speeches delivered at the African Union, one of the most ineffective continental organisations in the world. People make grand declarations, earn generous salaries, and then nothing happens. Great speeches have been delivered since the days of the Organisation of African Unity. One of those speeches was even immortalised by Bob Marley in his song War. Yet more than 60 years later, many of the same challenges remain unresolved.
That is an indictment not only of African leaders but also of African elites. Too many are content to make money while ignoring the underlying governance failures that hold the continent back.
Consider Aliko Dangote, the richest black man in the world and Africa’s most successful entrepreneur. He requires 34 visas to enter dozens of African countries. Yet if I hold a British passport, my movement across much of Africa can often be easier than his. How can Africa speak seriously about integration when one of its own leading business figures faces such barriers within the continent?
Until influential African business leaders such as Aliko Dangote, Strive Masiyiwa, Patrice Motsepe, and others begin speaking more forcefully about governance, corruption, economic mismanagement, and state dysfunction, progress will remain slow. As long as these issues are accommodated because money can still be made, Africa will continue to talk about unity without creating the conditions necessary to achieve it.
So, back in the townships of South Africa, there is a crisis.
I have always said that Zimbabwe is no longer a foreign policy issue. It is a domestic issue because the South African government must deal with its consequences in hospitals, social services, employment, housing, education, and many other facets of daily life.
If the South African government does not have the courage to stand up to leaders such as Emmerson Mnangagwa and Mozambique’s President, Daniel Chapo, and say, “The way you are running your economies is creating problems for us,” then the situation will continue to deteriorate.
The tragedy is that it is always the poor, the ordinary, and those living in abject poverty who end up fighting amongst themselves. Yet the root causes of these tensions are often created at the highest levels of political leadership.
The people competing for jobs, housing, healthcare, and other scarce resources did not create the conditions that led to mass migration. Those conditions were created by policy failures, corruption, poor governance, and economic mismanagement.
I would go even further and say that this is also an indictment of South African leadership. SADC already has protocols, principles, and governance frameworks that were specifically designed to prevent member states from becoming dysfunctional and destabilising their neighbours. The problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the absence of enforcement.
Those protocols exist on paper, but too often they are ignored in practice. When governance standards are violated, when economies collapse, when democratic institutions are weakened, and when corruption flourishes, there is rarely any meaningful consequence from the region.
As a result, the effects spill across borders and eventually become someone else’s problem.
That is why the immigration debate cannot be separated from the governance debate. They are two sides of the same coin. If African leaders are serious about reducing migration pressures, they must first address the political and economic failures that are pushing people to leave their countries in the first place.
We all know why that conversation is avoided.
So, coming back to Trevor Noah’s analogy, it is ultimately a human analogy. It reflects a reality that has existed throughout history and even in nature itself.
If lions have abundant access to zebras and other prey, there is very little competition between lions, leopards, and other predators. But when food becomes scarce, competition intensifies. The struggle is no longer about identity. It becomes a struggle over limited resources.
The same principle applies in human societies. When jobs are plentiful, when healthcare functions, when housing is available, and when opportunities are expanding, people are generally more tolerant and welcoming. But the moment resources become scarce, tensions rise. People begin competing for the same opportunities, and that competition often manifests itself through politics, nationalism, tribalism, xenophobia, or other forms of social conflict.
This is not unique to South Africa. It is not unique to Africa. It is part of the human condition.
In many ways, what we are witnessing is both a human story and an animal kingdom story. The underlying dynamic is remarkably similar. Scarcity creates competition. Competition creates tension. Tension creates conflict.
That is why discussions about immigration cannot be separated from discussions about governance, economic growth, service delivery, and opportunity. If we focus only on the symptoms while ignoring the underlying causes, we will never solve the problem.
The real challenge is not merely getting people to live together. The real challenge is creating societies and economies that produce enough opportunity for people to live together peacefully.
@kuumekaathigona 🤣😂, Don't disrespect "the goat" on public platform like that man 😉. Cartels are not easy to deal with, gotta play the game ryt or you burn yourself and your people you supposed to serve as well.
Miss Namibia Johanna Swartbooi, First Runner-up Uatjiri Mbaisa, and Second Runner-up Tuilika Andreas received NamPost investment accounts with deposits of NAD 30,000, NAD 15,000, and NAD 5,000 respectively.
NaTIS to launch computerised learner exams and online booking system
The Ministry of Works and Transport (MWT) will launch pilot projects for computerised learner licence testing and digital payment systems by December 2025, as part of efforts to modernise the Namibia Traffic Information System (NaTIS).
Under the new system, the Book and Pay Module will allow clients to book and pay for NaTIS services online from home, helping to reduce congestion at service centres.
The Computerised Learner Licence Testing (CLLT) will replace manual written tests with 30-minute digital exams that generate instant results. The pilot phase will begin at the Okahandja NaTIS Centre and through the NaTIS mobile testing truck.
https://t.co/AYnFi4qKz9 #namibia #learnerslicence #digitalpayments #computerisedtesting @works_ministry@RANamibia
Namibia faces a diplomatic test as the death sentence imposed on former Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) president Joseph Kabila draws questions about justice and political stability.
International relations analyst Marius Kudumo said the https://t.co/JJS2B2TfiM
@joseph_kalimbwe Namibia got plenty of Uranium, a joint investment into a Nuclear Plant between the two states will be incredible and probably benefit many SADC States as well 📌
Remarks on Fireside Chat Between Her Excellency Dr. Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, President of the Republic of Namibia, And Ambassador Jendayi Frazer, Senior Fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations
22 September 2025
New York
Distinguished Members of the Council;
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are at a time when Namibia—and the African continent stands at the threshold of new opportunity and transformation.
Harnessing the Demographic Dividend
Namibia is a youthful nation: above 70% of our population is under the age of 35. This demographic profile is one of our greatest strategic assets.
We are therefore placing human capital at the centre of our development agenda—strengthening education, digital access, vocational training, and pathways into innovation and enterprise.
Namibia has taken deliberate steps to institutionalize gender equality and advance human rights. As the first female Head of State, serving alongside a female Vice President and the first female Speaker of the National Assembly (Head of Parliament) as well as improved gender representation in the cabinet, I affirm that equality in leadership is not symbolic, it is structural.
To young women aspiring to political leadership, my advice is this: lead with competence, act with clarity, and refuse to be defined by convention.
Our national agenda is anchored in structural transformation and economic diversification beyond primary commodities and building productive capacity in key sectors. This includes: oil and gas, green hydrogen, and, agriculture and agro-processing.
Together, these sectors form the pillars of our growth strategy, alongside investments in infrastructure, logistics, and human development.
Namibia is endowed with critical minerals such as lithium, uranium and rare earths, amongst others, that are indispensable to the global energy transition. We are clear, our mineral wealth must be processed and beneficiated locally, generating jobs, technology transfer, and shared value.
Namibia is a strong proponent of regional integration. Through the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), we are committed to building resilient intra-African trade systems.
Namibia recently dispatched its first export using African Continental Free Trade Area framework, from the port of Walvis Bay. This marks a tangible step toward realizing the promise of a unified continental market enabling small states like ours to scale production and access new opportunities.
Namibia values its longstanding relationship with the United States, built on cooperation in public health, education, governance, and sustainable development. We see particular scope for deeper collaboration in energy, critical minerals, digital innovation, and capacity building.
We seek partnerships that align with our national priorities and respect our sovereign development choices anchored in mutual respect and shared benefit.
Today, we are proud that Namibia plays an active role on the world stage not only as a peaceful and stable democracy in Southern Africa, but also as a country committed to the future of multilateralism.
Namibia served as Co-Facilitator of the United Nations Pact for the Future, alongside the Federal Republic of Germany at the 79th Session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA 79).
Namibia’s leadership role in this process reflects our belief that small states have a big responsibility and the capacity to help shape a fairer, more just global order. In co-leading the negotiations, we amplify the voices of the Global South, the voices of youth, and the aspirations of future generations. The Pact for the Future is not simply about policy reform; it is a moral commitment to build a future that is inclusive, sustainable, and grounded in solidarity across borders.
Global Financial Reform
@Kadiva_H Hi Hon. Advocate the Ministry to scrap the "Pilot" narrative and consider as many youth businesses which applied from all respective regions. Let the whole 257 million go into pilot. If needs be the treasury should avail another fresh 300 million to accommodate those coming after