I will never get tired of saying this: the narrative "Russian society is being held hostage by Putin and once he dies, there will be ponies and sunshine" is not just stupid, it is dangerous.
The Saint Petersburg International Economic Forum of 2026 (SPIEF 2026) in Russia has started with a very fiery keynote speech by the Ukrainian surprise guests.
Considering my partial Polish roots, I’ve spent a long time thinking about what to write regarding the Ukrainian-Polish scandal, and the crisis in our relations as a whole. But I doubt I could ever say it better than Oleksandr Zinchenko. We have a lot of work ahead of us, and much can be said about the solutions, but we must remember the core truth - without Poland, Ukraine will be weaker, and without Ukraine, so will Poland. 👇
Why is the Polish right-wing turning hostile? Historian Oleksandr Zinchenko argues that it’s not about past UPA history - it’s about fear of Ukraine’s rising geopolitical power. The Polish right realizes that Russia is losing, and they are terrified of Ukraine’s growing agency. Poland is currently acting as a "Traumaland" - making past fears and historical scars the cornerstone of its national identity instead of processing them.
To overcome this crisis and stop mutual re-traumatization, Zinchenko proposes a comprehensive 7-step roadmap for reconciliation:
1. A Liturgy of Mutual Forgiveness - Ukraine should invite the next President of Poland to Kyiv for a joint prayer service at the historic St. Sophia Cathedral. The cornerstone of this spiritual reconciliation must be the powerful formula: "We forgive and ask for forgiveness."
2. Acknowledging Geopolitical Errors - The Polish leadership needs to declare that opposing Ukrainian independence in 1918-1921 was the single greatest mistake in our shared history. That division cost Ukraine millions of lives under Soviet rule, cost Poland hundreds of thousands, and directly led to Poland losing its own statehood in 1939. When we stand apart, we both fall.
3.Humanizing All Victims - We must stop dividing historical pain. A joint declaration should state: "All victims of our tragic past are neither strictly Polish nor Ukrainian - they are ours, they are human." Every act of ethnic cleansing committed in the 20th century by either side must be unconditionally condemned. The tragic deaths of children in Sahryn are no different from those in Wola Ostrowiecka.
4. Breaking the 80-Year Memorial Taboo - Both Presidents must jointly lay flowers at the historical conflict sites - specifically in Sahryn (Poland) and Ostrówki / Wola Ostrowiecka (Ukraine). Despite decades of Ukrainian urgings, no Polish president in over 80 years has taken this step. This historical omission must be corrected.
5. De-anonymizing the Tragedy - We need to move from abstract numbers to human faces. Ukraine and Poland should cooperate to research and publish a complete, nominal list of every single victim of the bilateral conflict, printed in both languages. Every individual must be remembered by name.
6. Agreeing to Disagree on National Pantheons - We must accept that our national heroes will never be the same. Poland must recognize that Ukrainian heroes are not Polish, and Ukraine must recognize that Polish heroes are not Ukrainian. Ukraine will not challenge the legacy of Piłsudski or Dmowski (who allied with Bolsheviks against Ukrainian statehood), and Poland must stop targeting those who fought for Ukraine's independence. We both fought for our freedom. We both won it. Period.
7. Ironclad Mutual Security Guarantees - A new strategic paradigm: Ukraine, possessing the most battle-hardened and powerful military on the European continent, will legally guarantee and actively defend Poland’s sovereignty. In return, Poland, as a major European power, will unconditionally support Ukraine’s integration and its diplomatic efforts for a just, lasting peace.
Ukraine has conquered its own existential fears on the battlefield. Now, we are strong enough to help Poland overcome its historical anxieties. By executing this roadmap, both nations can finally shed the baggage of the 20th century and build an unbreakable, equal alliance for the future.
🇺🇦🤝🇵🇱
@Anad1m@KWojczal@IAPonomarenko Ukraine certainly has other heroes. The neat thing is it doesn't need to present it for approval to you or any other country. Your permission was not needed not requested
Honestly, I am so tired of hearing the phrase: “You only exist because of our help.”
Yes, we are grateful to all the countries and people who support Ukraine. We truly appreciate that help. But gratitude does not mean that we should be on our knees, endlessly thanking others for our right to exist.
Ukraine has been paying the highest possible price for its freedom for years the lives of its people. Every day, our defenders hold the front line, suffer injuries, and make sacrifices so that our country can continue to live.
And if we are being completely honest, there is another side to this reality: while Ukraine continues to stand, many other countries are able to live in peace. Because it is here that Russian аggression is being stopped.
So I want to ask a simple question: if Ukraine falls, who will be Russia’s next neighbor under threat? Who will be next? Does anyone truly believe that it would end with Ukraine?
We are grateful for the support. But we also deserve respect.
@k_serpees This. For Ukrainians Polish reaction is especially insulting because it's very reminiscent of russia always reacts- everything is about them.
W reakcji polskiej na decyzję prezydenta Ukrainy uderza mnie jedna rzecz.
Od wczoraj przewijają mi się najróżniejsze reakcje polskiej strony, ale łączy je jedno:
Czy Ukraińcy zrobili to celowo przeciwko nam?
Czy Ukraińcy zdają sobie sprawę, jak bardzo nas to boli?
To błąd, bo Polska tego nie zaakceptuje.
I tak dalej.
W polityce czymś normalnym jest to, że każde państwo patrzy przede wszystkim przez pryzmat własnych interesów i na tej podstawie decyduje, jak działać wobec innych państw.
Wobec USA postępujemy tak, wobec Niemiec inaczej, wobec Ukrainy jeszcze inaczej — bo tak wynika z naszego interesu.
Śmiesznym absurdem jest natomiast próba analizowania decyzji innych państw tak, jakby były one nieustannie motywowane Polską.
A właśnie takie podejście często można u nas dostrzec.
Większość przywódców większości państw podejmuje decyzje motywowane przede wszystkim sytuacją wewnętrzną — interesem własnego kraju, jego obywateli, a czasem nawet własnym, prywatnym interesem.
Nie podejmują ich ze względu na Polaków, Polskę czy inny kraj.
Analizujmy więc działania innych państw przez pryzmat naszego interesu, ale nie łudźmy się, że jesteśmy dla kogokolwiek najważniejszym punktem odniesienia, głównym motywatorem działań.
Tak naprawdę niewiele jest państw, które mogą sobie pozwolić na takie przekonanie.
Odpowiadając więc na tak często stawiane pytania, o których wspominałem wyżej, odpowiedź jest prosta:
OUN i UPA są dla Ukraińców ważnym elementem ich własnej narracji historycznej i ma zerowe znaczenie to, co myślą o tym inni — nie tylko Polacy.