AMERICANS, DO YOU KNOW WHO DONALD TRUMP IS WELCOMING INTO YOUR COUNTRY?
I am a Brazilian journalist, and I have been closely following the criminal investigations involving Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro.
Reuters reported on October 27 that Flávio left Brazil for the United States after losing the presidential election, despite a Brazilian Supreme Court order requiring him to surrender his passports.
Now I have a question:
Will American taxpayers be forced to pay for the protection of a Brazilian politician facing serious criminal investigations?
Before anyone screams “political persecution,” here are the actual case numbers. You can look them up yourselves.
1. BANCO MASTER, DARK HORSE AND SUSPECTED MONEY LAUNDERING
Brazilian Supreme Court (STF)
Case: INQ 5,070
Full docket: 0181367-57.2026.1.00.0000
Related proceedings: PET 16,369 and INQ 5,026.
Federal investigators are examining suspected money laundering, corruption and illegal international financial transactions involving the financing of Dark Horse, a film about Jair Bolsonaro.
The investigation involves financial dealings with Daniel Vorcaro, the former controller of Banco Master.
2. SUSPECTED FINANCIAL LINKS TO THE PCC DRUG-TRAFFICKING ORGANIZATION
Brazilian Superior Electoral Court (TSE)
Case: AIJE 0603371-06.2026.6.00.0000
Filed October 23, 2026.
This electoral lawsuit questions whether millions of dollars transferred through companies and investment funds linked to the Dark Horse financing network indirectly benefited Flávio Bolsonaro’s presidential campaign.
One company involved in the financial transactions was also identified in investigations concerning suspected money laundering connected to the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital), one of Brazil’s largest criminal organizations.
The lawsuit seeks the annulment of Bolsonaro’s candidacy or election certification and an eight-year disqualification.
To be absolutely clear: the alleged connection between the money and the PCC is under investigation. It has not been judicially established that the PCC financed the film or his campaign.
3. WILLER TOMAZ AND ONLINE GAMBLING
A separate investigation before Brazil’s Supreme Court, overseen by Justice Alexandre de Moraes, examines suspected money laundering involving attorney Willer Tomaz, a close friend of Flávio Bolsonaro.
Investigators are examining financial transactions involving gambling companies, payment platforms and businesses connected to Tomaz.
The exact court docket number has not been publicly verified.
4. THE RACHADINHA CORRUPTION CASE
Rio de Janeiro State Court (TJ-RJ)
Case: 0072696-34.2020.8.19.0000
Prosecutors formally accused Flávio Bolsonaro of crimes including embezzlement, money laundering and participation in a criminal organization involving alleged diversion of public employees’ salaries.
The charges were dismissed in 2022 after evidence was ruled inadmissible.
There was no conviction, but there was also no trial determining whether the alleged conduct occurred.
5. RODRIGO BACELLAR AND COMANDO VERMELHO
Brazilian Supreme Court
Case: PET 14,959
Full docket: 0123047-48.2025.1.00.0000
Rodrigo Bacellar, a political ally of Flávio Bolsonaro, was arrested and later became a criminal defendant in proceedings concerning alleged obstruction of a police operation targeting Comando Vermelho, another major Brazilian drug-trafficking organization.
6. MÁRCIO CANELLA AND ORGANIZED CRIME
Electoral case: RO-El 0601451-66.2026.6.19.0000
Another political ally supported by Flávio Bolsonaro, Márcio Canella, was arrested during an investigation into suspected organized-crime-related money laundering involving fuel businesses.
Brazilian electoral prosecutors have also questioned his candidacy over alleged connections to militias and Comando Vermelho.
These are separate proceedings involving Bolsonaro’s allies, not criminal charges against Flávio himself. 🧵
No, Lula no quería meter preso a Flávio Bolsonaro. Y no, no ha sido por no reconocer los resultados.
Bolsonaro está investigado por blanqueo de capitales junto a su amigo, el abogado Willer Tomaz, por un presunto esquema con empresas de apuestas. También por la financiación de "Dark Horse", la película sobre su padre, que recibió al menos 65 millones de reales del dueño del Banco Master.
Un juez del Supremo le canceló el pasaporte y le ordenó entregarlo por riesgo de fuga, después de que su hermano dijera que si perdía tenía que irse del país. Iba a perder la inmunidad.
Ya se ha fugado a EEUU, así que el riesgo era real.
Como siempre, nos querrán vender que Bolsonaro es un exiliado político. Tan solo es un corrupto fugado.
Vamos lá, repita comigo:
Flávio Bolsonaro não é perseguido político. Ele é investigado por suspeitas de:
- Lavagem de dinheiro em operações financeiras envolvendo Willer Tomaz e empresas ligadas a bets.
- Corrupção e lavagem de dinheiro no financiamento do filme Dark Horse, envolvendo recursos do Banco Master, de Daniel Vorcaro.
- Evasão de divisas, também investigada no esquema de financiamento do filme.
- Operações financeiras suspeitas, incluindo possível acesso a contas de uma empresa offshore ligada a Willer Tomaz.
E ainda existe o histórico da rachadinha, caso em que Flávio foi denunciado por peculato, organização criminosa e lavagem de dinheiro. A investigação foi encerrada após a anulação de provas, sem julgamento do mérito.
Perder uma eleição não dá imunidade. Ter sobrenome Bolsonaro também não.
Flávio precisa responder à Justiça, não se esconder atrás do discurso de perseguição política.
Bonjour, amis français ! J’ai utilisé l’IA pour traduire cette déclaration de notre président Lula, prononcée lors d’une interview avant les élections au Brésil. Elle a mobilisé des milliers d’étudiants, qui sont descendus dans la rue pour se battre, faire basculer les votes, convaincre les indécis et inciter ceux qui n’avaient pas voté au premier tour à se rendre aux urnes au second tour.
Au Brésil, le fascisme n’a pas sa place !
The Western media is already trying to rewrite the story of Lula’s victory. They want you to believe it was a triumph of broad democratic coalitions and institutional resilience.
But the material reality on the ground tells a completely different story.
Three weeks before the election, Lula was trailing in the polls. The algorithms were rigged against him. The cosmopolitan bourgeoisie that backed him in 2022 had abandoned him.
So Lula stopped talking about abstract democracy and started talking about survival.
He promised to cut the workweek from 44 to 40 hours. He targeted the crushing cost of public transport. He expanded the social wage. He stopped preaching to the liberal elites and started speaking directly to the factory floor and the favelas.
And when the far-right took a two-point lead after the first round, the working class did what the working class always does when the system tries to erase them.
They took the streets.
The mobilizations on Avenida Paulista and across Brazil were the largest spontaneous left-wing uprisings in the country's history. This was not a campaign managed by political consultants. It was an organic explosion of the popular classes physically dragging their candidate across the finish line.
This changes the entire calculus of Lula's fourth term.
In 2022, he owed his victory to a broad coalition of elites who just wanted stability. In 2026, he owes his survival entirely to the streets. The empire threw tariffs, censorship, and disinformation at him, thinking the working class was too atomized to fight back.
They forgot that when you push a population to the brink, they do not just vote. They mobilize.
Lula does not owe this mandate to the algorithms, the media, or the bourgeoisie.
He owes it to the workers who built the country. And the streets always collect their debts.