土克玛

人生如叶片，一生一落，一落即是一地。

[发财小李 @Deelu179242]

创新药10家订单爆满核心企业

创新药本轮回暖，不是题材炒作，是实打实的订单高增、业绩落地。节后医药最硬的基本面逻辑，全部集中在这批高订单、高景气核心标的。

1. 凯莱英（综合CDMO龙头）

主营医药CDMO研发生产。上半年在手订单16.73亿美元，新签订单同比增长54.59%。全面覆盖多肽、寡核苷酸、ADC新分子赛道，新业务增量充足。

2. 康龙化成（CRO+CDMO一体化龙头）

全流程药物研发生产服务。上半年新签订单同比增长超30%，CDMO高附加值业务增速超50%，海内外订单持续扩容。

3. 昭衍新药（安评龙头，订单爆发）

主营药物安全性评价。上半年在手订单37亿元，新签订单20.2亿元，同比增长98%。覆盖抗体、小核酸、多肽等热门创新药研发刚需。

4. 益诺思（临床CRO高增长）

专注创新药临床CRO。上半年新签订单14.66亿元，同比增长175.56%，在手订单22.47亿元，临床落地速度极快。

5. 九洲药业（小分子CDMO稳健标的）

主营特色原料药+创新药CDMO。CDMO订单稳步增长，上半年新增66个小分子创新药早期项目，项目储备充足。

6. 博腾股份（新分子+CGT双线爆发）

高端医药CDMO。细胞基因治疗订单同比增75%，新分子创新药订单同比增84%，高景气赛道弹性极强。

7. 和元生物（CGT基因治疗龙头）

聚焦细胞与基因治疗CDMO。上半年新增订单超1.5亿元，累计承接超790个CGT项目，赛道稀缺性突出。

8. 迪哲医药（肿瘤创新药出海）

主营肿瘤小分子创新药。核心产品舒沃替尼授权阿斯利康，首付款6亿美元，总金额最高15亿美元，国产创新药出海标杆。

9. 甘李药业（多肽减肥药出海）

胰岛素+代谢多肽创新药。核心产品欧洲授权落地，首付款6200万欧元，里程碑最高6.64亿欧元，切入减重黄金赛道。

10. 荣昌生物（ADC超级出海订单）

ADC、双抗创新药企。核心品种RC148授权艾伯维，首付款6.5亿美元，总合作金额最高49.5亿美元，技术壁垒拉满。

核心总结

本轮创新药行情，完全区别于以往的情绪炒作。
靠三大硬逻辑支撑：订单持续高增、海外大额授权落地、新赛道产能持续放量。
CRO/CDMO稳业绩，出海创新药提估值，是节后高确定性主线之一。

风险提示：本文仅为公开信息整理，个人观点仅供参考，不构成任何投资建议，不推荐个股，股市有风险投资需谨慎。

[吴祚来 @wuzuolai]

社会主义者，得到政权之前，通过打土豪掠夺财富，获得革命经费；
当政后，通过奴役剥削所有人，特别是中下层百姓，获得取之不尽的资源。
整个国家贫困破产之时，会向资本主义世界示好，获得市场与技术，以使政权稳定甚至国力崛起。
慢山图文

[王浛旭 @wanghanxu1]

也不是哪位高人的高论，真他娘地经典👍🥱

[朵朵芸 @xiaoyun678543]

历史真相.

[李幺傻 @liyaosha]

薄熙来在重庆搞的那一套，把江泽民胡锦涛吓坏了，这小子是想回到文革吗？看你不顺眼，就给你按上“黑社会”罪名，想抓谁就抓谁，连北京来的律师都敢抓。所以，那时候我们报社断定，这小子的政治生涯，也就到重庆。后来应验了。现在很多人给薄熙来招魂，说薄瓜瓜回去主政……快算了，瓜瓜也不是什么好鸟！

[朱韵和 @zhu0588]

史无前例的劳民伤财

贯穿着回忆录全书，不仅记录着毛极度的荒淫无耻，毛的劳民伤财和挥霍浪费也是非常骇人，肯定超越中外古今的暴君、昏君。

公众以前只知道毛泽东喜欢游泳，喜欢巡视南方几个城市，仅仅乘专列火车一项，沿线动员的军民总在万人以上。

一九六一年初毛乘专列路过长沙，在黑石铺停了 一天。湖南省委招待处向省委报帐，吃了两千多只鸡。汪东兴知道了，找省委第一书记查问：“我们路过长沙，没有几个人，一天无论如何也吃不了两千多只鸡呀”！湖南公安厅长李祥说明真相：“那一夜铁路沿线和飞机场，加上周围三个县的民兵，值班站岗即达一万五千多人，天气又冷，不能不给他们吃点”。（p.330）

“回忆录”还有一段记载：“毛的专列有十一节车厢，每次外出都是好几个月，专列没有冷气，一九六零年，铁道部从东德定制一列新专列，十分奢华，毛乘专列到外地一次，全线行车时刻表都要改过，至少一个星期才能恢复正点运行，沿路火车站叫卖吃食，小贩全换上安全警卫，这还不算，汪还按排了一些打扮成小贩的安全人员站在站台边，来增加真实感。毛的专列一般停在铁路支线的工厂或飞机场，这时，工厂就要停工，连飞机场也得停止飞机起飞。”（p.123）

有一次毛在广州休息，下令珠江三角洲五十公里内不得停泊船只，不得有飞机在天空升降。如果累计大跃进和後院炼钢造成的物质损失，加上林彪当政时期所谓三线建设，将沿海大城市的重点工厂迁入四川、湖北、云南等偏僻山区。仅三线建设一项，就使生产总值连续两年下跌三分之一和五分之一。

---王若望：李志绥：当代第一史学家

[Truth @TENPHOENIX2018]

朝代在换，他们没换，只是每次都给同一张脸换个爱国的名。

[马方说管理 @mafang71]

说一套做一套

[Archaeo - Histories @archeohistories]

Jiang Qing, widow of Mao Zedong, was sentenced to death in January 1981 for counterrevolutionary crimes committed during Cultural Revolution, but her sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment...

“I was Chairman Mao’s dog. Whomever he told me to bite, I bit.”

The statement attributed to Jiang Qing during her trial was not an apology. It was a defense with an explosive implication: if she had committed crimes by carrying out Mao’s wishes, responsibility did not stop with the woman in the dock.

In November 1980, Jiang Qing stood trial in Beijing alongside nine other former political and military leaders. Among them were her three allies in the group known as the Gang of Four: Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen.

Their prosecution was supposed to establish responsibility for crimes committed during the Cultural Revolution—the decade of upheaval Mao had launched in 1966. But Jiang’s defense kept returning to the man whose authority had made that upheaval possible.

Before her rise, she had been an actress in Shanghai. Marriage to Mao brought her close to the center of power. During the Cultural Revolution, she became a formidable political figure in her own right, helping direct campaigns against opponents and imposing revolutionary controls on Chinese cultural life.

She was not simply a wife watching events unfold.

Across China, people were publicly humiliated, beaten, imprisoned, and killed. Officials who had helped build the Communist state became targets of the revolution proclaimed by its own leader.

Jiang and her allies wielded enormous influence within that system. Mao’s support helped sustain their power.

Then he died on September 9, 1976.

Less than a month later, on October 6, Jiang and the other members of the Gang of Four were arrested. The protection of her husband’s name had not survived his death.

Four years passed before the trial began.

The prosecution accused the ten defendants of counterrevolutionary crimes, including persecution and attempts to seize power. Its allegations covered the persecution of hundreds of thousands of people and tens of thousands of deaths. These were the prosecution’s figures—not a complete accounting of the Cultural Revolution’s victims.

Excerpts from the proceedings were broadcast on Chinese television. A woman who had helped decide what others could perform and say was now being publicly judged.

She refused to give the court a confession of remorse.

Contemporary reporting described her denouncing her judges, insisting that she had acted according to Mao’s wishes, and daring the authorities to execute her. She was removed from the courtroom during the proceedings.

The famous “dog” statement compressed her argument into two sentences.

She portrayed herself as the instrument. Mao, she said, had supplied the orders.

That did not prove that every action she took had been commanded by him. Nor did obedience erase her own responsibility. But her argument exposed a problem no verdict against the Gang of Four could resolve by itself: the Cultural Revolution had not been created by four people acting independently of China’s supreme leader.

Mao was not a defendant. His widow’s defense nevertheless forced his responsibility into the story.

On January 25, 1981, Jiang Qing received a death sentence with a two-year reprieve. Zhang Chunqiao received same punishment. It was a death sentence, but it was not an execution.

In January 1983, both sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. Meanwhile, Communist Party had issued its own judgment on Mao’s legacy. Its June 1981 historical resolution acknowledged that he had initiated and led the Cultural Revolution and bore chief responsibility for its grave errors. It also insisted that his achievements outweighed his mistakes.

The distinction was deliberate: condemn the catastrophe without discarding the founder.

Jiang’s courtroom argument did not acquit her. It did not put Mao legally on trial.

#archaeohistories

[Archaeo - Histories @archeohistories]

Pol Pot was a Cambodian dictator and revolutionary leader of the Khmer Rouge who led a brutal regime responsible for the deaths of up to two million people. He declared "Year Zero" to reset society to an agrarian utopia. Banned money, private property, religion, free speech, and foreign contact. Closed schools, hospitals, and factories. Targeted intellectuals, monks, religious minorities (like Cham Muslims), former government workers, and anyone suspected of disloyalty. Between 1.5 million and 2 million people died from execution, starvation, and overwork (roughly 25% of the country's population)...

Pol Pot was sentenced to life imprisonment by his own Khmer Rouge. But the movement that had helped him devastate Cambodia was not putting him on trial for the killing fields. It was settling accounts with its former leader.

On July 25, 1997, in the northern Cambodian stronghold of Anlong Veng, Pol Pot sat before a gathering of Khmer Rouge soldiers and villagers while former comrades denounced him. Journalist Nate Thayer and cameraman David McKaige recorded the proceedings.

Footage showed the crowd raising fists and chanting: “Crush, crush, crush Pol Pot and his clique!”

The man known as Brother Number One had become a prisoner of the organization he once commanded.

His captors announced a life sentence. They were not representatives of his millions of victims. They belonged to the same movement responsible for those victims’ suffering.

Between April 1975 and January 1979, the Khmer Rouge emptied Cambodia’s cities, forced people into agricultural labor, persecuted minorities, and carried out mass executions. Nearly two million people died under its rule—from killing, starvation, disease, and the conditions the regime imposed.

Pol Pot stood at the center of its leadership, alongside other senior figures who designed and enforced its policies.

Vietnam’s invasion overthrew that government in January 1979. It did not end the Khmer Rouge. The movement continued its guerrilla war, and Pol Pot remained an influential figure long after his supposed retirement from leadership in 1985.

By 1997, however, defections and factional struggles were tearing the organization apart.

His final downfall began with another killing inside his own ranks.

In June 1997, Pol Pot ordered the murder of Son Sen, his former defense minister, and members of Son Sen’s family, including children. The killings occurred amid negotiations between Khmer Rouge figures and Cambodia’s royalist political faction—negotiations that threatened Pol Pot’s place in the movement.

Accounts differ over the precise number murdered, but the killing of Son Sen and his family was the decisive rupture.

Other commanders had reason to fear they would be next.

Ta Mok, a senior Khmer Rouge military leader who was himself implicated in the movement’s atrocities, escaped into the jungle. He and other threatened commanders organized a counterattack.

Pol Pot was captured and placed under house arrest.

The purge had turned against its author.

Weeks later, Ta Mok’s faction staged the public proceedings at Anlong Veng. The accusations concerned Son Sen’s murder, attacks on fellow leaders, and Pol Pot’s obstruction of reconciliation.

They did not amount to a prosecution of the Khmer Rouge’s crimes against Cambodia between 1975 and 1979. Trying those crimes would also have raised questions about the men now condemning him.

That distinction changes the entire story.

This was not Cambodia’s survivors finally confronting their persecutor in an independent courtroom. It was a defeated leader being publicly stripped of authority by rivals from within his own organization.

The spectacle resembled a trial. Its central function was a transfer of power.

Nor was it Pol Pot’s first conviction.

#archaeohistories

[Dani Lerer @danilerer]

A nada de cumplirse 3 años del 7 de octubre de 2023, y ante el intento de la narrativa de los pro terrorismo palestino de robarse la historia, es indispensable visibilizar una vez más lo sucedido.

Genocidio fue el 7 de octubre de 2023.

El resto fue una guerra.

Que no te tomen por boludo.

[踏雪無痕 @eudsc74928272]

告诉你真实的中美差距：
1、中国工人的工资，
还没有美国监狱里的罪犯工资高；
2、中国工人的工作时间，
比美国监狱里的罪犯工作时间还长；
3、尽管中国人如此善于压榨劳力，
中国所有科技企业加起来，
市值却不到微软一家的零头；
4、中国所有科技企业加起来，
总营收还没有微软一家的净利润高。

[Osnat Hason @HasonOsnat]

אוקטובר 7💔October💔
מסיבת הנובה 💔

לעולם לא נשכח 💔
לעולם לא נסלח 💔

[Adam Mossoff @AdamMossoff]

Remember this video when you hear Hamas activists and propagandists falsely claim that Hamas was attacking only soldiers or military bases on October 7.

[墙国蛙哈哈🐸 @GFWfrog]

什么是马克思主义者们？
他们嘴上天天挂着解放全人类、消灭私有制、无产阶级专政，一肚子理论，张口就是《资本论》，闭口历史必然性。

但他们真正想要的就一个，那就是骚燕妮。

马克思本人把骚燕妮娶到手了，孩子也生了一堆。后面那些马列主义者呢？一边骂资产阶级家庭虚伪，一边心里把燕妮当终极幻想，要高贵、漂亮、贵族出身，还肯跟着他受穷。

所以他们越骂资本、越喊革命，越忍不住幻想自己也能像马克思一样，从旧世界里抢个燕妮式的女人过来，关在阁楼里一起写《共产党宣言》。

什么消灭剥削、实现共产主义，全是遮羞布。真正驱动他们的，不是剩余价值，就是“我也能上燕妮”这点原始冲动。

马列主义的终极理想国，其实就一间房间，里面只有他们和骚燕妮。

来源：匿名来稿

[Mish @Mish_K_]

3 years later and the world is still denying this...

[BiBiST ✡︎ ביביסט @BiBistPowess]

Every single day we remember.

[AP @Average_NY_Guy]

Palestinism is such a depraved ideology that you can parade dead Jewish teens in the back of a pickup truck in broad daylight and have men and women, young and old, run after it in ecstasy.

[ipadasher @ipadasher]

🚨🇮🇱 ÚLTIMA HORA: O chefe da Inteligência Militar de Israel revelou ontem à noite, diante do Gabinete:

Dos 6.000 terroristas que cruzaram a fronteira e invadiram Israel no 7 de outubro, 4.000 já foram eliminados.

Restam 2.000. Não há esconderijo, não há túnel, não há prazo. “Chegaremos até o último deles.” 🇮🇱

Um por um não é um slogan é uma promessa!

[Jérémo @jeremo12]

La chambre d’un enfant israélien le 7 octobre.

N'oubliez jamais contre qui Israël se bat.