कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️

Potentially existing, pleasantly evident..

Meme collector

#GGMU👹

[Rohit @Iam_Rohit_G]

India can become a 30 Trillion Economy by 2047 but the Civic Sense of common Indians will always remain 0 !!

In Delhi, Rekha Gupta's Govt made a Cycle track for kids and people who love cycling in the nature.

Within couple of days, People with their Bikes and Scooters started using the cycle track because it saved time!!

Why are we Indians Like this?

We Indians don't deserve such facilities!!

[Gautham Machaiah @GauthamMachaiah]

#Bengaluru Development Minister @krishnabgowda took a political risk by clearing #footpaths. Yet, vendors return the next day and eateries set out tables on pavements. This reveals the sheer connivance of local officers. A few suspensions should do the trick. @GBA_office

[Sanjay Raut @rautsanjay61]

Dear President @realDonaldTrump

Greetings.

As a Member of Parliament from India, I write in response to reports of your congratulations to PM Narendra Modi on the West Bengal Assembly election results.

These are state-level elections—an internal matter of India’s federal democracy. Any external endorsement appears premature and misplaced.

More importantly, serious concerns have emerged. Numerous complaints allege an atmosphere of fear, intimidation, and systemic pressure. There are widespread perceptions that the Election Commission did not act impartially and that its functioning appeared to favor the BJP, raising questions about institutional neutrality.

Equally troubling are allegations regarding the extensive deployment of central forces, which many believe created coercion rather than confidence.

Senior leaders, including Mamata Banerjee, have publicly raised concerns about the fairness of the process. These reflect a broader unease that cannot be ignored.

Democracy is not just about elections—it is about ensuring they are free, fair, and credible. When serious allegations arise, they warrant scrutiny, not celebration.

Were these concerns considered before your statement?

Given your emphasis on democratic values, I urge a more informed and balanced view.

Thank your very much

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

Should really move away from 'Rule people' mindset, these parties are elected to Serve the people..

[Vijay Immanuel @Vijayimmanuel6]

🚨 BREAKING NEWS 🚨

Confirmed News Sources close to the TVK office have confirmed that the visuals and reports currently circulating across news channels are being projected as mere narratives. 🤬

🔥 Regarding the convoy issue, Thalapathy Vijay has reportedly made it clear that he does not require convoy vehicles at this moment and will officially accept them only after taking the oath.

🤝 On the rumors surrounding a possible DMK–ADMK alliance, sources strongly deny any such possibility, stating that it “will not happen at all.”

⚡ Political tensions continue to rise in Tamil Nadu as questions are being raised over the delay in inviting the majority-winning side to form the government. Supporters argue that preventing a party with massive public backing from ruling reflects political pressure and interference. Allegations are now surfacing that the Governor is being pressured to delay TVK’s path to power. 🤬

😤 Despite the ongoing political drama, all eyes are now on what move Thalapathy Vijay will make next to prove and establish his majority.

🔥 One thing for sure — TVK will rule Tamil Nadu. No doubt about it.

#EnowaytionPlus #EplusSquad #TVK #ThalapathyVijay #TamizhagaVetriKazhagam @TVKVijayHQ @actorvijay

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@McFlybowy What people don’t know… is often what shapes everything they think they do know..

[Narendra Modi @narendramodi]

Today, India takes a defining step in its civil nuclear journey, advancing the second stage of its nuclear programme.

The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor at Kalpakkam has attained criticality.

This advanced reactor, capable of producing more fuel than it consumes, reflects the depth of our scientific capability and the strength of our engineering enterprise. It is a decisive step towards harnessing our vast thorium reserves in the third stage of the programme.

A proud moment for India. Congratulations to our scientists and engineers.

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@PunjabKingsIPL

[ANI @ANI]

#WATCH | Bengaluru | Parents of children who do not meet the Class 1 age cut-off criteria (6 years of age) in the New Education Policy hold a demonstration requesting the Karnataka govt to give a 90-day relaxation to ensure children do not have to repeat UKG or Montessori

A parent says, "It is not a protest but a request to the govt to promote children who have completed three years of pre-primary education to Class 1. Our children are not meeting the 6-year age cut-off under the NEP. For children, repeating a class will cause psychological stress. The institutions are open to it and don't want children to repeat, but we are waiting for the govt to give relaxation in the rule or expedite SEP implementation."

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@mufaddal_vohra Can already see 'Glazer Out' banners

[Dr. Neha Das @neha_laldas]

Let me correct all the misunderstandings here, on both sides.

In 2026 UGC guidelines, the description of the "types/forms of discrimination" remain same as 2012 guidelines. It has not been changed.

1. Problem is definition of "caste-based discrimination"-a new clause added, under which only SC/ST/OBC are defined as "victims".
Effectively it means- GC (men/women both) can't claim caste-discrimination, as per this definition.

They can, however, claim discrimination under other forms listed, but not caste based, because the definition doesn't cover them.
Also, muslims who form a substantial part of OBC can also claim caste-discrimination (as per this definition).

2. Problem is inclusion of OBC as a protected category under "caste-discrimination". This inclusion is purely politically motivated. Because the PIL was only for SC/ST. Supreme court never asked for OBC inclusion.

3. Problem is addition of "implicit" acts under "discrimination" definition. Which means actions without intent are also included.

4. Problem is creation of equity squads, who'll roam campuses "looking for discrimination". Problem is constant surveillance students will be subjected to. Problem is constant scrutiny of their every action or word (as squads actively encourage ppl to report incidents they have "witnessed").

5. Problem is "sensitization" of students, regarding caste differences. Problem is taking "undertakings" from all students at college entry, saying "they'll not do discrimination".
It'll only increase the caste consciousness, not remove it.

6. Problem is explicitly mentioning SC/ST/OBC/women/PwD representation, for equity committee formation, but leaving GC men out of it. Shows presumption on the part of policy makers that GC men aren't important? Or they are oppressors?

7. Problem is aggressive timelines for dealing with complaints.
24 hr meeting, 7 day action, 15 day report. Such timeline can't ensure real justice.

8. Problem is the structure and functions of equity committee, which clearly shows they work to find or create discrimination, where none exists. E.g. they need to give a report every 6 months. Can they show an empty report?
How'll they show they are working & their existence is justified?

9. Problem is too much power awarded to such squads & ambassadors. Can you imagine how these powers can be misused to blackmail students?

10. Problem is inclusion of NGO, Civil societies which wasn't there in 2012 guidelines. What this will result in, no need to explain.

11. Problem is non-essentiality of any proof for filing a discrimination complaint. Means anyone can simply file complaint based on any personal disagreement. Burden of proof lies on the accused.

12. Problem is expanding the scope to include faculty members.
Now faculty members actions will also be scrutinized. Can they function effectively under such surveillance?

13. & Most importantly, problem is removal of punishment on fake complaints.

Add all these points together, and you'll see how easily these guidelines have a huge potential for misuse.

[Rama Seshan Chandrasekaran @maa_bhaishiiH]

One of the most common criticisms I hear about Hinduism (and Judaism) from Christians and Muslims is that Hinduism is a “tribal” or “ethnic” religion, whereas Christianity and Islam are proudly “universal.” The usual evidence offered is threefold: Hindu myths are geographically rooted in India, Hinduism historically did not send out missionaries, and its rituals and social customs appear inseparable from Indian civilisation and particular castes or communities.

Yet when I actually open the scriptures that are claimed to be universal, the charge feels almost comical in its inversion. Pick up the Bible. Roughly the first eighty percent of the Bible (the Old Testament) is the detailed saga of one extended family—Abraham’s descendants—who emerge as the twelve tribes of Israel who are fighting, marrying, and covenanting almost exclusively among themselves in a tiny strip of land between the Mediterranean and the Jordan. The laws, the feasts, the priesthood, the kingship, the promised land; all of it is framed around the identity and destiny of ethnic Israel. There are brief excursions to Egypt, Philistia, or Babylon, but only as foils to Israel’s story.

Even the New Testament, though it has a universal commission to evangelise all nations, is still overwhelmingly set within the concrete particularities of first-century Roman Judea and the Greco-Roman world. Jesus is a Jew speaking mostly to Jews; his parables are full of vineyards, fig trees, and denarii; his apostles argue about who sits at his right hand in a very Jewish kingdom that many of them still expect to be earthly and Israel-centred. Only a few verses—magnificent verses, yes, but still just verses— and some theologising in Paul's letters push the horizon outward.

Now open the Qur’an, a book Muslims insist is the final, eternal, uncreated speech of God, valid for every time and place. What do we find? Page after page addressed to the Quraysh and the Arab kafirūn of seventh-century Mecca and Medina, warnings tailored to the feuds of Arabian tribes, polemics against local Jews and Christians who rejected Muhammad’s prophethood, and retellings of the stories of the Israelite and Arabian prophets now repurposed to scold Arabs for forgetting their lessons. The tone is urgent, local, and very much this-worldly : join this final Arabian prophet or face imminent doom. The Quranic text itself feels like the transcript of a tribal crisis that is then suddenly declared to be the constitution of the cosmos for all time to come.

Contrast this with the actual texture of the oldest and most authoritative Hindu texts. When I read the Ṛgveda, I do not encounter stories about “India” or “Indians.” I encounter poems praising natural phenomena that is shared by every human society on this planet - the rising sun or dawn (Sūrya, Savitṛ), the fire that cooks food and carries offerings (Agni), the storm that brings rain to the fields (Indra), the intoxicating soma that elevates consciousness wherever it is drunk. These don't feel like the gods of one race or one river valley ; It is also not the story of any particular group. They are the powers every human being meets every day, named with awe in an ancient tongue. The horizon of the hymns is the horizon of nature itself — universal, pre-ethnic, pre-national.

Move to the Upaniṣads. Here even these vivid devas are deliberately reduced to pointers, to provisional names for something far more impersonal and all-pervasive: the ātman that is Brahman, the one without a second. The great sayings—“tat tvam asi,” “aham brahmāsmi”—are not revealed for Indians alone; they are presented as the hidden truth of every conscious being. No passport is required.

Or take the Bhagavad Gītā. Yes, it is set on an Indian battlefield with Indian names, but strip away the proper nouns and the dilemma is archetypal: a warrior must fight a terrible yet just war against his own family and dear ones. Who on earth has not faced impossible moral choices where every path seems horrific ? Krishna’s teaching—act without attachment to fruits, offer all action to the Divine, see the same Self in friend and enemy alike—requires no conversion to an Indian identity. It only requires being human.

The philosophical systems (darśanas), the sūtras, the great bhāṣyas of Śaṅkara, Rāmānuja, Madhva, and others, are similarly untouched by tribal limitation. They argue about pramāṇas, about the reality of the world, about the nature of liberation using reason and experience available to any literate mind. They do not pause to ask whether the reader was born east or west of the Indus.

This is exactly what we find in the great non-Abrahamic philosophers elsewhere: Plato never says his Forms are for Greeks only; the Dao dejing does not announce that only Chinese may follow the Way; Plotinus does not insist that only late-antique Mediterraneans can return to the One. None of these traditions divide mankind into insiders and outsiders on the basis of a historical revelation given to one people at one moment.

Nowhere is the contrast sharper than in the question of salvation—or better, ultimate destiny. Abrahamic religions, even when they universalise the offer, retain a fundamentally tribal logic at the soteriological core: the world is split into two camps defined by a single decision—accepting or rejecting a specific revelation delivered to a specific community in a specific time. Faith itself (correct belief about certain past events and future promises) becomes the ultimate criterion of worth. Two people can lead otherwise identical lives—kind, truthful, generous—but if one whispers the Shahada or “accepts Jesus as his personal Lord and the only Saviour of man” and the other does not, their eternal fates supposedly diverge with horrific finality.

The difference is not moral ; it is membership. This is still tribal in structure; just that the tribe has opened its tent flaps to recruits from all over the world.

Hinduism (and classical Judaism for non-Jews) operates on an entirely different axis. Judaism, despite privileging the Jews as the chosen people of God, famously holds that any gentile who keeps the seven Noahide laws that only demand basic morality, is justified in the eyes of God; no conversion is necessary.

Hinduism goes further still. Krishna explicitly says in the Gītā (4.11, 9.23–25) that whoever worships any deva with devotion is actually worshipping Him, though “by another path”; their offerings reach Him all the same. The law of karma is impersonal and inexorable: it does not care whether you call the Divine Viṣṇu, Śiva, Devī, or nothing at all. It simply registers the quality of intention and action. Mokṣa is not a gated community reserved for card-carrying castes or Indians; it is the natural outcome of destroying avidya wherever and by whomever that insight is attained. Any person who lives in truth and compassion may well be further along the path than a traditional Indian Brahmin who merely performs rituals without understanding.

In short, Abrahamic universalism is universalism superimposed on a tribal skeleton: one prophet, one saving event, one correct creed, one community of the saved (others are damned). Hindu universalism (and the universalism of most pagan philosophies) is rooted in the nature of reality itself—Brahman, Dao, Logos, Being—which belongs to no tribe and excludes no one who wakes up to it.

Myths, of course, are always local; every religion has them. Rāmāyaṇa happens in Kośala and Laṅkā, the Iliad in Troy, the Mahābhārata in Hastinapura. That is what myths do: they anchor the eternal in time and space so we can hear it. But the philosophy that grows out of Hindu myths does not stay confined to the banks of the Ganges any more than the philosophy that grows out of Homeric myths stays confined to the Aegean.

To be universal is not necessarily to become deracinated, bereft of any identity and floating in a culture-less void, preaching the same abstract creed to everyone until all local continuities are erased.

The Hindu idea of universalism has been to be universal is to remain faithfully rooted in one’s own civilisational home—speaking its languages, singing its songs, telling its stories—while keeping the door permanently open and the guest’s seat warm. Hindu universality is being firmly rooted in your own place while being hospitable to the entire world. That, I submit, is what Hinduism has done for millennia, and it is far less “tribal” in the end than the very religions that love to call it so.

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@hrishikesh1234 @SandeepMall Football bhi khela hai isme 😐

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@theskindoctor13 Satisfying

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@TOIBengaluru Sir, might as well blame every bad road and potholes on someone not talking to you or CM or ministers.

And anyone asking for action should take over the department.

Cos that's the way it must be done!

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@Ambar_SIFF_MRA Guess it's a fair statement, if you foresee yourself living alone for most of your life.

Cos if you are living with someone, these things don't stand, or the relationship doesn't stand

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@mrsinha Every time BJP is called out, these people take a doomsday approach

What is wrong is wrong, no matter which govt is pulling it off

Btw, without these many warriors voting for the BJP, they wouldn't be in the govt

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@ManUtd Story of every weekend

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@ChristinMP_ @shalinirajnish Pass the buck
Feign surprise
Collect some minor fine

Anything but holding oneself accountable

[कार्तिक கார்திக் karthik 🇮🇳 🕉️ @sooop_boy]

@KarachiKingsARY The other figure looks like Bobzy..

The real games at PCB!