Free Palestine. đľđ¸đľđ¸Viva Cuba. đ¨đşHuman rights, social justice. Seeker, writer, feminist. On Ngunnawal & Ngambri country. Always was, always will be.
@JJKALE2 Yep. Hypocritical, deceptive, inhumane, Zionist, genocide enablers and supporters âŚ.. I could go on and on but my word limited prevents me from saying it all. Canât wait to see the back of @AlboMP@SenatorWong and this whole crop of Labor government MPs. They all stink.
One cannot overstate this. Israelis knew and know everything happening in Gaza and in the West Bank. Attempts to seperate "liberals" from "messianics" are based on a lie. Israel is not a "robust democracy" even for Jews. It is a genocidal rough beast, endangering the world.
All these US wars and bombings were done either to âkeep us safeâ, to âsave democracyâ, and to âfight terrorismâ.
In reality, they made us unsafer, destroyed democracies, and promoted terrorism.
Isnât it about time to refuse to comply, and to ban and boycott our leaders until they close down forward military bases and genuinely pursue peace through talks.
This just makes me hate Albanese and Labor even more.
What has the NACC done about Robodebt, Liberals paying off Liberal sex pests and David Hurley and the Secret Ministries / $18m Foundation Grant?
Absolutely fucking nothing.
What the NACC was designed to do of course.
Nothing.
This.
âThe number one moral issue of our era is the genocide in Gaza.
âAnd if we cannot take a clear stance on that, then I think we can't take a stance on anything.â
I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.
There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good.
I know. I know. I think about it on the tram.
We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle.
It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isnât quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someoneâs wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species.
Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate.
287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, thatâs the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the ânomineeâ list is meaningless, itâs a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes âSHORTLISTED.â Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself.
We read reports. The instituteâs advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting âthere is a high temperature.â High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We donât do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says âwell,â and everyone knows exactly what âwellâ meant, and itâs settled. Thatâs our shouting. âWell.â Youâd have to be raised here to hear the violence in it.
Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name.
A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said heâd ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israelâs prime minister posted it on the internet, âGive him the Nobel.â The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced theyâd nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way youâd collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog.
And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this yearâs prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didnât have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters.
People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We donât. Thatâs the thing I canât make the world understand. Weâre not grading his homework. We donât owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. âHe made peaceâ is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealerâs attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead manâs public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all.
So who did we give it to?
An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driverâs daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandelaâs people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law âunderpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,â and that âpeace requires justice.â She wasnât even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us.
She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. Itâs just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown.
The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we âplace politics over peace.â Ja. Perhaps. Weâre five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course itâs political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him.
Here is what he will never understand, the thing Iâd tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because weâre incorruptible, nei, weâre as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold countryâs book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, youâve proven you donât understand what itâs for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept.
Itâs dark now. Four oâclock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said âwellâ an hour ago and we all went home. Iâm on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that weâre corrupt, that heâll win it next year, and he genuinely might, weâre only five idiots and weâve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall.
But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didnât ask for.
Thatâs the job. We donât reward the man who ends the war and announces it.
We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was.
Heâll never see the difference. Thatâs rather the whole point of him.
Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
The lesson of Yemen, like the lesson of Vietnam, will not be learned by the people who most need to learn it.
It will be learned by the people watching.
By the small countries that saw what happened when a poor nation refused to stop existing on its own terms.
By the movements that are tracking what Yemeni engineers figured out about drone warfare on minimal budgets.
By the political analysts in the Global South who are adding Yemen to the ledger that Vietnam opened.
The fear in Gulf capitals and in certain Washington offices is precisely this:
The lesson is spreading even when it isnât being taught.
Every prolonged asymmetric conflict that ends without the technologically superior side achieving its objectives is a lesson broadcast globally.
And the audience is paying attention even when the teachers arenât.
The spell that says overwhelming force produces inevitable outcomes:
Vietnam cracked it.
Yemen is widening the crack.
The crack is permanent.
The Australian Labor govt put on kippahs and came out and fully supported Israel's genocide in Gaza.
Who thought that something like this would ever happen?
It's consistent across all of Murdoch's mastheads, including the worst of them - the @australian - not even the pretense of a balanced approach just propaganda
This.
âNo civilians deserve to be killed in war. None. But if you condemn the deaths of 13 civilians in Saudi while ignoring the hundreds of thousands of Yemenis who were starved & killed during 11 years of Saudi aggression, take a moment to reflect on your selective outrage & humanity.â
đ¨NEWSFLASHđ¨ Australia has joined the US-Israel war against Yemenâs Houthi â who have been attacking & blockading ships bound for Israel, over its genocide in Gaza.
âŞď¸No public information or debate.
âŞď¸No government explanation or justification.
âŞď¸No parliamentary discussion or approval.
Report: Australiaâs Northern Territory air base was used as a staging post for recent lethal US bomber strikes on Houthi weapons stores in Yemen, an attack seen as intimidation towards Iran.
@WarPowersReform@IPAusNet
https://t.co/3R36eoO9uy
Astounding. Wong canât comment on cutting off water & food to Gaza because itâs âtoo far away,â yet here she is advising Palestinians to hold electionsâŚ
The hypocrisy. It makes my eyes bleed.
https://t.co/XSqIoqerVO
@Balgowallah@AlboMP@SenatorWong Me too. They have deceived us monumentally. Canât wait to see the back of them. Greens and some independents are the way to go. Free Palestine. End the alliance with the US.
The weapons used against Yemen are among the most sophisticated ever manufactured.
Precision-guided munitions. Advanced radar systems. Coordinated air campaigns planned with American logistical support. Intelligence architecture that costs more per year than Yemenâs entire GDP.
They hit hospitals.
They hit wedding parties.
They hit school buses.
They hit water treatment facilities and grain storage and everything that sustains a civilian population.
And Yemen is still there.
Still there not despite the targeting of civilian infrastructure, but in some sense because of it.
Because when you demonstrate to a population that you are not distinguishing between their military and their children, you have answered the question of what defeat would mean.
You have shown them.
And shown them.
And shown them.
And instead of producing surrender, you produced the specific, furious, generational clarity of a people who now understand exactly what they are fighting against.
That is not a military failure of execution.
That is the fundamental, irreducible limit of what violence can accomplish against a people who have seen enough of it to stop fearing it.
âPremiering in Venice Open at this yearâs Venice Film Festival, Citizen Osama follows Al-Ashi, once an artistic photographer and now a war documentarian living in northern Gaza. Hassouna shot the film himself; Denis Le Paven edited it, while Rasmus Steen composed its restrained score. The documentary has also been selected as Palestineâs submission for the 2027 Academy Awards.â
https://t.co/uuV8GBDLVu
Yes, we have cemented our present and future as a US lackey.
Prof of History James Curran reflects on Paul Keatingâs foreign policy legacy and argues that Australia has lost the strategic confidence and autonomy needed to shape its own future in a changing Asia.
https://t.co/woPjIV1yUm