sachin

Views personal. RT / Likes are not endorsement.

[sachin @sp_063]

@theskindoctor13 @get_screenshot

[siddharth @Siddharthkusiyc]

यह शीतला इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ टेक्नोलॉजी है, जो उत्तर प्रदेश के वाराणसी जिले के लोहता में CUET 2026 का केंद्र है। यहां परीक्षा सुबह 9:00 बजे शुरू होकर 10:00 बजे समाप्त होनी थी, लेकिन अभी 10:50 हो चुके हैं और हमें सूचना मिली है कि परीक्षा अभी तक शुरू नहीं हुई है।

[sachin @sp_063]

@theskindoctor13 Good to see you back.

[THE SKIN DOCTOR @theskindoctor13]

Within hours of the CJI flagging the issue, NCERT withdrew the books and issued an apology. Of the 2.25 lakh copies printed, 2,24,962 were recalled to the warehouse, with efforts underway to retrieve the remaining 38 copies already sold.

This panicked knee-jerk apology itself proves the inclusion of judicial corruption in the textbook was neither deliberate nor ideologically driven by NCERT or the ministry. They were clearly caught off guard. The more plausible explanation is simple incompetence: the authors wrote it, and NCERT and the education ministry didn't bother proofread. Had this been a conscious decision, there would have been at least a token defence of academic autonomy or content integrity. Instead, they folded instantly, without argument, explanation, or spine.

If Dharmendra Pradhan loses his chair, it won’t be over the UGC issue. It will be over this, the NCERT debacle. And ironically, not for standing up to the judiciary, but for accidentally appearing to do so by mistake.

[sachin @sp_063]

@ajeetbharti All the best!

[sachin @sp_063]

@PoornimaNimo Overconfidence will take the party down. I am surprised they don't not see discontent in the voter base. It is not that they are cut off from reality, they just don't care.

[ghillied~up @GhilliedU]

List Of Western Universities:

Author Rajiv Malhotra – argue that Western agencies and institutions deliberately exploit India’s internal fault lines (caste, religion, ethnicity) to undermine Indian unity. Malhotra’s 2011 book Breaking India documented how certain Western academic centers, political think-tanks, church organizations, and NGOs “invent new fault lines and nurture existing ones” in Indian society. According to him, while many social injustices in India have indigenous roots, others are “bred and fed by foreign influences to gain leverage in India”. In this view, caste stratification – a historic Hindu social hierarchy – is being magnified as a point of division by external actors as part of a larger geopolitical strategy to “balkanize” or weaken India from within.

Malhotra and like-minded analysts draw parallels to the colonial era. They note that British colonial rulers intensively studied and codified the caste system, using it to divide Indians and justify intervention. Colonial administrators compiled extensive “atrocity literature” highlighting social evils (like caste oppression, sati, dowry, etc.) to portray Indians as uncivilized and to legitimize imperial control under the guise of humanitarian concern.

In the United States, top universities offer specialized curricula on caste. For example, the University of Pennsylvania’s South Asia Studies program has multiple classes on caste, including “Global Inequalities: A Comparative History of Caste and Race,” which systematically examines how caste and racial hierarchies were produced and sustained from the 19th century to the present. Another course, “Dalit and Black Literatures: Caste, Race, and Representation,” explores historical parallels between caste oppression in India and racial oppression in America.

Brandeis University recently introduced “Introduction to Critical Caste Studies,” an entire course devoted to studying the “oppressive system of caste” and anti-caste resistance, including how casteism is embedded both in South Asia and the Indian diaspora. The University of Chicago even advertised a postdoctoral fellowship in “Critical Caste Studies,” reflecting an emerging interdisciplinary field. In short, American academia now treats “caste studies” as a serious area of inquiry, on par with race or gender studies – a fact illustrated by professors who explicitly list “Caste studies” and “Dalit studies” among their research specializations.

In the United Kingdom, a similar trend is visible. The University of Cambridge launched a “Caste as Practice” research network in 2024 under its sociology department, to investigate the enduring role of caste in South Asia. This network, supported by Cambridge’s Centre for Research in Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities, convenes scholars from around the world to discuss caste’s resilience and global parallels with race. Oxford University ran a major ESRC-funded project (2013–2017) studying caste, class, and culture in South Asia (including caste dynamics in Nepal’s Brahmin vs. Dalit communities). SOAS (University of London) and other UK institutions regularly host seminars and courses on caste oppression and resistance.

List of Indian Intellectuals:
Kancha Ilaiah is a prime example. Author of Why I Am Not a Hindu (1996), Ilaiah is an OBC/Dalit rights crusader known for virulently anti-Brahmin rhetoric (he once described Hinduism as “spiritual fascism”). Malhotra’s research found that Western organizations heavily promoted Ilaiah as a face of the Dalit movement. The U.S.-based Gospel for Asia ministry hosted him on lecture tours, even likening him to Martin Luther King Jr. in stature. Ilaiah has been on the advisory board of the American-run Dalit Freedom Network, which awarded him for his advocacy. He has traveled internationally numerous times – from speaking at the 2001 Durban conference to lobbying in Washington DC – consistently painting Brahminical Hindu society as oppressive. In 2005, as noted, Ilaiah testified in the U.S. Congress, explicitly urging America to intervene in India’s caste problem. Such frequent visits and collaborations in the West are seen as more than academic exchange; critics allege they indicate coordination between these intellectuals and Western establishments to amplify India’s caste troubles.

Other names often cited include Ruth Manorama, Martin Macwan, Paul Divakar, and other Dalit activists who have received international awards or frequently participate in U.N. forums and Western university conferences. Many of them have Western NGO affiliations (for instance, some work closely with Christian charities or human rights organizations based in the US/Europe). Their travel itineraries over the years show regular stops in London, Geneva, New York, etc., correlating with events that put a spotlight on caste discrimination. The Durban conference leadership roster (full of church-linked Indian activists) is a case in point. Another example is Suraj Yengde, a young Dalit scholar who was educated in Europe and is now at Harvard; he often speaks globally about dismantling caste. While Yengde’s work is scholarly, his prominence in Western academia (Harvard Kennedy School, etc.) underscores how Western institutions nurture Indian voices that are sharply critical of Hindu social order.

Even some non-Dalit Indian intellectuals known for anti-establishment views – e.g. Arundhati Roy – have leveraged Western platforms to air India’s “dirty laundry” (Roy wrote a scathing introduction to Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste and frequently lectures abroad about the evils of caste and Hindu nationalism). The tweet specifically focuses on those “abusing Brahmins,��� however, which usually refers to Dalit-Bahujan activists and radical anti-caste scholars rather than liberal authors like Roy. Kancha Ilaiah, for instance, explicitly caricatured Brahmins in his work (his book was illustrated with cartoons ridiculing Brahmin priests) and has openly advocated “destroying Brahminism.” Such figures often find receptive audiences in Western universities and human rights circles – evident in the number of invitations they receive from U.S./UK institutions over the years. The pattern suggests to “Breaking India” theorists that Western interest in these intellectuals is not coincidental. By elevating and internationalizing the voices that attack Hinduism’s caste structure, external actors can foment internal cleavages.

[sachin @sp_063]

@Mrsinha Many disappointed voters are also silent..

[JimmyCarter @ImJimmyCarter]

Anyone know a free and safe website to download from, except Telegram?

[sachin @sp_063]

@MumbaichaDon You were defending these rules a few days back?

[sachin @sp_063]

@theskindoctor13 How was this missed @PMOIndia

[sachin @sp_063]

@theskindoctor13 This name also shows up with allegations & CBI investigation against educational society headed by the person

https://t.co/PeftG535Rh

[sachin @sp_063]

@MumbaichaDon Raising the reservation bar to 70% and the new rules show GC is no more a priority.

Can 70% be brought down to what it was?
UGC roll back?

Which "genuine mistake" will be corrected?

[sachin @sp_063]

@BesuraTaansane We know who benefits by Cong to power. How did you benefit by voting BJP to power?

[sachin @sp_063]

@divya_gandotra Hope this love story ends. Cannot have more shockers like 80% reservation, new UGC etc.

[sachin @sp_063]

@venkat_fin9 @DelhiPolice @X More power to you @RajeshwariRW

[sachin @sp_063]

@divya_gandotra Zero percentile cut off

[sachin @sp_063]

@nikitagupta56 They are never going to stop. We need to carefully choose which doctor we visit.

If Govt is so keen, there should be 70% reservation in upper & lower houses of parliament along with all state govt assemblies.

[sachin @sp_063]

@garvit_sethii NOTA is the best option. They will realise the dip in their traditional vote base. A message needs to be sent.

[sachin @sp_063]

@Bhumika45161859 @grok @X team knows this issue well. The ministry also needs to take this issue up.