- Cuando un tipo de derecha no es cazador y no le gustan las armas, no sale a cazar y no compra armas.
- Cuando un tipo de izquierda no es cazador y no le gustan las armas, pide que sea prohibida la caza y la venta de armas.
- Cuando un tipo de derecha es vegetariano, no come carne.
- Cuando un tipo de izquierda es vegetariano, hace campaña en contra de los alimentos de carne y le gustaría que se prohibiese comer carne.
- Cuando un tipo de derecha es homosexual, hace una vida normal.
- Cuando un un tipo de izquierda es homosexual, hace apología de la homosexualidad, va a las manifestaciones "orgullo gay" y acusa de "homofóbicos" a todos los que no piensan como él.
- Cuando alguien de derecha pierde el trabajo, piensa en cómo salir de la situación y hace todo lo posible por encontrar un nuevo trabajo.
- Cuando alguien de izquierda pierde su trabajo, va a quejarse con el sindicato, gasta hasta el último día y va a todas las manifestaciones y huelgas contra la derecha y en contra de los empresarios.
- Cuando a un tipo de derecha no le gusta un programa de televisión, cambia de canal o apaga el televisor.
- Cuando a un tipo de izquierda no le gusta un programa de televisión, se queja y denuncia en los periódicos, las radios, los canales de televisión, se une a algún partido político de izquierda para promover una causa con el fin del alcanzar el cierre definitivo del canal de televisión que transmite el programa que no le gusta.
- Cuando un tipo de derecha es ateo, no va a la iglesia.
- Cuando uno de izquierda es ateo, se burla y persigue a todos aquellos que creen en Dios, denuncia la escuela o la institución que exponga un crucifijo, protesta contra cualquier signo de identidad religiosa, pide que se expropien los bienes de la iglesia, que se prohíba la semana santa y cada procesión o peregrinación (contra el Islam no hace nada porque no tiene el coraje).
- Cuando un tipo de derecha tiene problemas económicos, busca la manera de trabajar y ganar más dinero o trata de encontrar financiación para pagar sus deudas, y si puede, ahorra.
- Cuando un tipo de izquierda tiene problemas económicos le echa la culpa a la derecha, a los empresarios, a la burguesía, al capitalismo, a los neo conservadores etc., etc., luego se pone en contacto con un sindicato con la esperanza de que luego lo metan en un partido político o donde se pueda.
- Cuando un tipo de derecha lee este escrito, se ríe y si tiene ganas lo envía a sus amigos.
- Cuando un tipo de izquierda lee este escrito, se pone furiozo y trata de fascista y retrógrado a quién lo ha escrito y se lo envió.
Sólo cabría agregar: Un hombre de derecha persigue su propia felicidad; un hombre de izquierda persigue arruinarle la felicidad a los demás.
@ThrillaRilla369 Zero. There were a handful of gays who grew up to be happy, healthy, confident gay adults. No one cared that they were gay except them for some reason. There were some very anxious & underwhelming “coming out” moments - everyone was like, okay?!… cool. Moving on haaaa
@rechievaldez This is the dirty secret of the “grocery benefit.”
The people paying the most GST get nothing back.
The people who pay the least get the cheque.
It’s not a rebate. It’s a wealth transfer dressed up as compassion. 🇨🇦 #CdnPoli#Carney
The US State Department and CBC covered the same murder.
One called it civilizational decline.
One called it a far-right talking point.
Guess which one gets $1.4 billion a year from Canadian taxpayers.
Ideological conditioning and two-tiered policing are glaring symptoms of civilizational decline. They must be rejected across the West.
The United States sends our condolences to the family of Henry Nowak and the people of the United Kingdom at this troubling time.
Shoutout to the government's biggest threat who's been fighting for us the whole time.
Thank you Pierre for:
✅ Killing the Netflix/streaming tax
✅ Killing the consumer carbon tax
✅ Killing the capital gains tax increase
✅ Killing the Digital Services Tax
✅ Obliterating the careers of Jagmeet Singh & Trudeau
✅ Forcing the ArriveCAN scam audit
✅ Forcing a reduction of fuel taxes at the pump
✅ Forcing a tax cut on lower income families
He's not in government.
He does not hold power.
Yet he's accomplished so much for us.
Now Imagine what he could do as Prime Minister...
Horrific details laid out by the judge at Digwa sentencing.
As follows;
Digwa used his own mobile phone to film his victim attempting to escape by climbing onto a commercial rubbish bin and over a fence, while Digwa taunted: 'You're not going to get away with this big man.'
Sentencing Digwa, Judge William Mousley KC said: 'You continued to make films of Henry suffering, ignoring much of his desperation at having been stabbed. You told him that had not happened, no doubt to convince others who were nearby.' These clips have not been released.
Henry managed to land on top of a car parked in front of number 68, on the other side of the fence he jumped over. Digwa went on to take close-up photos of the incapacitated Henry lying on the ground.
In footage from a home security camera, Henry was heard saying 'I am dying', with Digwa replying, 'you're not dying bro'.
Ten minutes later, Henry said 'you stabbed me', with Digwa responding, 'no, I didn't', and, 'you were recording me thinking you're sick', which is slang for 'tough'.
In that ten-minute period, Digwa did not call an ambulance - but did film Henry for a full five minutes.
This clip was not played in court for being 'too disturbing to be shown'. The court heard the attack was not witnessed but neighbours heard Henry say he had been stabbed and was dying.
@robbystarbuck@harleydavidson Can’t believe they thought they could do a performative mea culpa, lay low for 5 minutes and then resume wokeness as usual. I’m going to be checking your account all week for the latest tea!!! Love the @robbystarbuck FAFO presentations!
Je me suis longtemps passionné pour la psychologie, et une période m'obsède plus que toutes les autres.
L'après-guerre.
Le moment où des chercheurs se sont posé la question la plus dérangeante du siècle: comment l'Allemagne nazie avait-elle transformé des pères de famille ordinaires en bourreaux de camp?
La réponse, ils ne l'ont pas trouvée chez des monstres. Ils l'ont trouvée chez des hommes parfaitement banals.
Hannah Arendt a appelé ça la banalité du mal. L'historien Christopher Browning, en étudiant le bataillon de réserve 101 (des policiers d'âge mûr, des pères, des commerçants), a montré que ce ne sont pas des fanatiques qui ont fusillé des civils, mais des hommes normaux incapables de désobéir au cadre dominant.
Puis vint Milgram. À Yale, environ deux tiers de gens ordinaires ont infligé ce qu'ils croyaient être des décharges mortelles, simplement parce qu'une autorité en blouse blanche le leur ordonnait. L'expérience de la prison de Stanford a montré la même chose sous un autre angle: donnez à quelqu'un un rôle et un cadre, et il s'y conformera jusqu'à l'inhumain.
La leçon n'est pas allemande. Elle est humaine.
Le mécanisme s'active dès qu'un cadre moral dominant fait craindre la sanction sociale plus que ne compte le témoignage de ses propres yeux. L'individu cesse de voir ce qu'il voit. Il voit ce que le cadre l'autorise à voir.
Maintenant, regardez Southampton.
Henry Nowak, 18 ans, poignardé, allongé au sol, répète aux policiers « j'ai été poignardé », « je ne peux plus respirer ».
Réponse de l'officier: « I don't think you have, mate. »
Pendant ce temps, son meurtrier retourne la situation d'une phrase: il aurait été victime d'une agression raciste. Quatre mots ont suffi pour déplacer le soupçon de l'agresseur vers la victime.
Et l'officier a obéi. Pas à un ordre. À un cadre.
Un cadre qui lui a appris, pendant des années, qu'une plainte pour racisme est l'accusation la plus dangereuse de sa carrière. Plus dangereuse, dans son réflexe conditionné, qu'un corps qui se vide de son sang devant lui.
Exactement le mécanisme de Milgram, de Browning. Un homme normal qui cesse de croire ses propres yeux parce qu'un cadre moral lui a appris ce qu'il devait craindre.
C'est précisément ça qui me terrifie.
Souvenez-vous: le monde entier s'est agenouillé pour quatre mots, « I can't breathe ». Des entreprises, des gouvernements, des stades entiers.
Henry a prononcé les mêmes mots, en train de mourir. Il n'y aura ni genou à terre, ni hashtag, ni minute de silence.
Parce que sa mort ne sert pas le cadre. Elle le contredit.
Et un système qui apprend à une société entière à faire passer l'accusation de racisme avant les faits, avant le corps, avant la vie, n'est pas une posture morale inoffensive.
C'est une machine à fabriquer des hommes qui, face à un enfant en train de mourir, choisissent les menottes.
The Pressure Cooker
People ask me how things are in Montreal. I don’t think I speak only for myself when I say: things are bad.
We feel like we are living in a pressure cooker, waiting for the next escalation. The next synagogue attack. The next Jewish school shooting. The next Bondi Beach. The next tragedy everyone will pretend came out of nowhere.
But it did not come out of nowhere. That is the point.
The problem is not only the hate. It is the complacency around the hate. It is the inefficiency of our politicians. It is the soft speech. It is the endless denunciation of “antisemitism” by people who still refuse to name the hate movement making Jews unsafe. Prime Minister Carney gave a speech saying Canada is failing Jewish Canadians. That is true.
But then his government created an advisory structure to “combat antisemitism” and appointed people whose records raise obvious red flags for the very community this council is supposed to protect. A former president of the Canadian Arab Federation who previously objected to calling the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades a terrorist group. A lawyer who represented anti-Israel encampment activists. You know, the encampments where Jewish students were excluded, harassed, intimidated, and then told their fear was the real problem. Our leaders denounce Jew hatred while legitimizing the very ecosystem that fuels it.
Beware the person who denounces antisemitism while embracing the ideology that makes Jews unsafe.
In that version of “fighting antisemitism,” Jews are protected only if they are the right kind of Jews. Quiet Jews. Disaffiliated Jews. Jews who have renounced Israel as part of their collective identity. Jews who accept that synagogues, schools, hospitals, and community centres can be treated as political targets because someone, somewhere, decided Jewish communal life is a proxy for a foreign conflict.
That is conditional belonging. It is the old bargain offered to Jews in modern societies: integrate quietly, make yourselves acceptable, cut away the parts of your identity that disturb the majority, and maybe you will be tolerated. Where has that brought us?
The modern expression of anti-Jewish hate does not announce itself as hatred of Jews. It appears as a demand that Jews answer for or disavow Israel before they are allowed to exist as ordinary citizens. It appears when a Magen David or a kippah becomes evidence of guilt. It appears when a synagogue becomes a protest site. It appears when “long live the intifada” and “from the river to the sea” are defended as liberation while Jewish fear is dismissed as hysteria or manipulation.
When libels repeatedly portray Jews as guilty, powerful, suspect, and collectively responsible, people act on those ideas.
They vandalize Jewish businesses. They shoot at Jewish schools. They firebomb synagogues. They harass Jewish students. They target Jewish hospitals, community centres, and places of worship. They stage mock hangings and then insist Jews are overreacting.
That is the pressure cooker.
And when our leaders respond with abstractions, advisory councils, and carefully balanced language that refuses to name antizionism as the main vehicle through which Jew hatred is now being laundered, they are not turning down the heat. They are preserving the ambiguity that allows it to continue.
This morning, I opened the news and saw that Dr. Emmanuel Moss, chief of cardiac surgery at the Jewish General Hospital, is leaving Montreal for Atlanta. Jew hatred and insecurity in this city were part of what pushed him out.
Of course it is not only me who feels it. This is what happens when a community’s most talented people begin to conclude that their future may be elsewhere. People who love this city and country, but are being forced to ask whether Canada still has room for them as visible Jews.
So when people ask me how things are in Montreal, this is my answer: We are in a pressure cooker. And our leadership is failing us.