Israel is the Zionist organization they are following the path of Antichrist. We need to stop Israel for the peace 🕊️ in rest of the world.
#EndIsraeliApartheid#BoycottIsrael
People keep saying, First end the caste system, then talk about ending reservation.
My question is: why are two completely different issues being tied together?
Reservation is a government policy. The caste system is a religious and social issue. One is decided by the Constitution and politicians, the other is debated within society and religion. Mixing them only avoids the real debate.
Take JEE as an example. If a General category student needs around 93% to get a seat while someone from another category qualifies with much lower marks, that's not creating equality in competition it means different standards are being applied. Whether you support or oppose reservation, at least be honest about what it does.
Real equality is when everyone competes under the same rules and the most capable person earns the seat through merit not because of the category they were born into.
And if someone believes the caste system is the problem, then reform the caste system through social and religious reform. But don't use it as a permanent justification to avoid discussing whether reservation, in its current form, is fair or effective.
@RHAreforms
@ambedkarajay1 गुमराह कैसे कर रहे हैं? जैसे लीक पेपर से परीक्षा पास करने से ऐसे बच्चे डॉक्टर, इंजीनियर या किसी जिम्मेदार पद पर पहुँच तो जाएंगे, लेकिन जिम्मेदारी कैसे निभाएँगे? वैसे ही 80% वाले की जगह 40% या नेगेटिव मार्क्स को पहले मौका मिलेगा तो फिर क्या वो झंडे गाड़ देगा?"
6 Ways the CJP Protest Could End Up Benefiting BJP
1. Weakens the "authoritarian" narrative
A weeks-long protest at Jantar Mantar, solidarity marches, and hunger strikes taking place without mass arrests or a media blackout gives BJP a concrete example to counter claims that dissent is being systematically suppressed.
2. Creates a standard that can be used against opposition states
If "exam paper leak = resignation" becomes the accepted benchmark, BJP can apply the same standard to recruitment and examination scandals in opposition-ruled states, putting rivals on the defensive using their own argument.
3. Provides a blueprint for future youth mobilization
The protest demonstrates an effective model: an independent public face backed by experienced student organizations handling logistics and outreach. BJP-affiliated groups could adapt a similar structure for future issue-based campaigns.
4. Reframes the movement as politically organized rather than spontaneous
The documented involvement of AISA, SFI, and AISF allows BJP to argue the agitation is coordinated by established Left student organizations rather than being entirely grassroots, shifting the debate from the legitimacy of protest to its political leadership.
5. Puts opposition parties in a strategic dilemma
Supporting the movement risks closer association with Left student organizations, while distancing themselves risks alienating students and young voters. Either choice creates political costs for opposition parties.
6. Builds public support for examination reforms
The controversy strengthens the case for tighter national standards on exam security, digital monitoring, and accountability. BJP can present stronger central oversight as a response to public demand for transparent and secure examinations.
Bottom line:
Whether the protest ultimately hurts or helps BJP depends on what follows. If the government delivers credible reforms, it can claim responsiveness and institutional improvement. If systemic failures persist without meaningful action, the protest's accountability message is likely to remain politically damaging.
Behind the Cockroach Janta Party: Who's Actually Doing the Work?
Abhijeet Dipke launched the Cockroach Janta Party online in mid-May, not long after a Chief Justice's courtroom remark set off a wave of anger over the NEET-UG paper leak. Dipke himself is an interesting figure to lead something like this — a Dalit activist from Aurangabad who cut his teeth doing meme-driven digital campaigns for AAP before heading off to study in Boston, then coming back to India to throw himself into street protest. His first outing at Jantar Mantar on June 6 was small. Nothing about it looked like it was going to become a national story.
It became one anyway, and if you look closely at how, the story isn't really about CJP at all. It's about who showed up to make it work.
By the accounts coming out of that first Jantar Mantar protest, the crowd would have been thin — maybe embarrassingly thin — if AISA hadn't decided to mobilize its people. And that decision wasn't automatic. One AISA office-bearer described it as CJP coming to them and asking for help, and AISA sitting on it for a bit, watching how things developed before committing. That's a telling detail. It means the Left wasn't the origin of this thing. It was the infrastructure that showed up once the thing had already caught a spark.
From there the pattern just repeats, city after city. AISA, SFI, and AISF — the three big Left student federations — turn up at nearly every CJP event, not only in Delhi but in Mumbai too, where the July 20 solidarity march at Chaityabhoomi ran under a coalition banner with SFI and AISF listed as core organizers. And it's not just foot soldiers. By the time the hunger strike at Jantar Mantar dragged on, SFI's actual national leadership — General Secretary Srijan Bhattacharyya, President Adarsh Saji, and Joint Secretary Aishe Ghosh — joined the fast in person, alongside named AISA and AISF activists. That's not incidental solidarity. That's an organization putting its own senior people on the line.
If any of this feels familiar, it should. It's basically the same choreography that powered the anti-CAA protests and Shaheen Bagh back in 2019 and 2020 — SFI, AISA, and AISF supplying the logistics, the legal support, the bodies on the ground, while a more headline-friendly face carries the public message. Before that, the same three federations were the backbone of the JNU unrest in 2015 and 2016. There's a template here, and CJP seems to have slotted into it almost by accident.
So does that make CJP's protest a "leftist movement"? That's where it gets less tidy. Dipke doesn't talk like an ideologue of the left — his public reference points run through B.R. Ambedkar, not Marx, and the framing has always been about caste, judicial accountability, and education, not a socialist economic program. The crowds pulled in doctors, lawyers, teachers, parents, and plenty of people with no political affiliation at all. Even two Trinamool MPs showed up early on, which says more about opportunistic politics than left-wing coordination. And AISA's own hesitation — waiting to see which way the wind blew before jumping in — cuts against the idea that this was ever a Left-orchestrated project from day one.
What you can say with more confidence is narrower but still significant: the organized Left built the machinery that let this protest survive and scale. Whether that makes the movement itself leftist, or just a broader anti-establishment coalition that the Left has been unusually good at plugging itself into, is genuinely a matter of interpretation — and it's one the reporting itself hasn't settled.
Events are still unfolding
@AMISHDEVGAN Mj akbar apni ashlilta ki wajah se resign kiya tha aur dharmendra pradhan apna kaam theek se nahi kar paane ki wajah se.. aur isko pakad kar utara gaya hai.
@narendramodi Ise bina script ke bol dete sir.. its not about student any more its about agar aese log cheat kar ke doctor ban jate to kya hota aur kitni jaane jati.. isliye @dpradhanbjp ko resign karna padega na.