Trekarbeider

Migrant Labourer. Husband. Father. Provider. Challenge driven. Only dead fish swim with the stream

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@LLB_hard82389

[Kallie Kriel @kalliekriel]

.@afriForum’s fight against expropriation without compensation in South Africa began in the Cape Town High Court today. https://t.co/Guverxvntl

[Martin van Staden @Martin_ASFL]

At court to protect the Constitution against the Expropriation Act.

[Kallie Kriel @kalliekriel]

Today, @afriforum and its Senior Legal Team are in the Cape Town High Court challenging the Expropriation Act and opposing expropriation without compensation.

It is in everyone’s interest that South Africa does not follow the Zimbabwean route, where the erosion of property rights devastated the economy and forced millions of Zimbabweans to flee their country.

Read AfriForum’s argument before the court, where it seeks to have the Expropriation Act declared unconstitutional:
https://t.co/4DWGhQmydl

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@ConCaracal @wmwchris Take note @News24 and @AfrikanersVirSA : this is why I am very happy to donate my hard-earned, overtaxed and undervalued rands to @afriforum
Cope harder, commies !

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@Bronx_wrangler Happy to fund “Afrimaga” ! Unlike the clapping seals at @News24 and @AfrikanersVirSA Solidariteit and Afriforum WORK for South Africans of all races.

[Acclaimed Journalist @Jonathan_Witt]

I know why the likes of News24 and Daily Maverick et al. Have ignored the Fauci scandal but I can’t for the life of me explain why the @CommonSense_ZA and the @DailyFriendSA have done the same.

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@Cal84311883 @JordiGriff @solidariteit I saw that, thanks. But Jordan did not - hence my reply to him.

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@Abramjee Donald Trump is so powerful he can get a racist black government to appoint a competent white Afrikaner to a senior position in SAPS just by saying “Dim the lights” and showing a video.
Well done @POTUS !

[phaedrus42 @phaedrus421]

@jackson_rem Most of the increased cost to us is what Eskom is forced to pay IPPs from bid window 1-4. 24% of Eskom's generation budget pays for 8% of of the power.

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@ME_Beaumont Who elected you as “national leader” ?
InactionSA is a typical African dictatorship with a president “for life”, and you should be ashamed to take part in democratic elections.

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@brettherron Butterworth in Transkei had a massive Pep factory making blankets as well as a SAB brewery (it was branded Ohlssons). Umtata had an airport and industry, developed with (white) taxpayer’s money.
Obviously closed down now by the corrupt and incompetent government.

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@ME_Beaumont Holy Zoolander, Batman ! What are you wearing ?
😂
On a serious note 😉, it was @solidariteit that took the case to court. You and the rest of InactionSA did NOTHING !
Sit this one out, Joseph and the Amazing technicolor dreamcoat.

[NOT _A_PANICAN @ZaWJBek]

Guess AfriMaga isn’t that bad when we need them.

[Afrikaner @AltAfrikaner]

South Africa: What The Media Deleted Before They Sold The World Sharpeville - the Pattern the World Was Never Allowed to See

Afrikaners. Zulus. One Uniform. No Monument.
Seperating the uncivilized from the civilized of all races

You know Sharpeville. You were designed to. Every textbook carries the date, every documentary opens with the photograph, every Human Rights Day speech circles back to the same fixed point: 21 March 1960, sixty-nine people dead, police firing into a crowd. It is true. It happened. And if that is all you know, then the operation worked exactly as intended. Because Sharpeville was never presented to the Western world as a single event inside a long and violent chain. It was presented as the event. The one that explained everything.

The one that required nothing before it and permitted no questions after. The people who crafted that presentation understood what they were leaving out. They left it out anyway.

What follows is what they removed. Not opinion. Not counter-narrative for the sake of argument. Court records. Military archives. Academic studies published by Cambridge University Press and Yale University Press. Eyewitness testimony gathered under oath. The names, force numbers, and manner of death of men who served together, fought together, and died together across the colour line, and whose existence was scrubbed from the record because it demolished the single story the world was sold.

Start eight years before Sharpeville, with something that should disturb you about a pattern that was already well established before the first shot was fired at the Sharpeville police station.
On 9 November 1952, in a shantytown called Duncan Village outside the port city of East London, two white South Africans were murdered by mobs during violence triggered by an ANC Defiance Campaign rally that police had broken up with gunfire.

The first was an Irish Dominican nun named Elsie Quinlan, known as Sister Aidan. She had trained as a doctor at the University of the Witwatersrand, then chosen to spend her life running a clinic in one of the most desperate places in South Africa, alongside a black nurse named Sister Gratia Khumalo.

Together they saw over 20,000 patients a year. On the Friday before she died, she treated 170 patients in a single day. She was driving toward the wounded when the mob stopped her car. According to Mignonne Breier’s award-winning 2021 study, Bloody Sunday, she was dragged from the vehicle, stabbed, stoned, had her throat cut, and was set on fire. Her body was dismembered. Parts of her flesh were consumed. When police recovered what remained, they found a charred torso beside a burned-out Austin. Her hand was found nearby, still clutching a rosary.

The second was a man whose name you have almost certainly never heard. Barend Johannes Vorster. He was forty-nine years old. He was an Afrikaner insurance salesman. He was in Duncan Village that Sunday afternoon for the same reason he was there every week: to collect premiums from his clients. An insurance salesman collecting premiums in a black township in 1952 was, by definition, a man who had ongoing commercial relationships with black families. He was providing a financial service. He visited regularly. His clients knew him. He knew them. He was not an enforcer, not a policeman, not a soldier, not an agent of the state. He was a civilian conducting personal business that directly served the residents of Duncan Village.

About an hour after Sister Aidan’s body was left burning in the road, a separate mob found Vorster and chased him through the streets of the township where he had come to serve people who had paid him to protect their families. They beat him to death with sticks. The mob did not ask what he sold or whom he served. He was white. That was sufficient. Three men were convicted of his murder and executed in 1954.

Remember those two names. Sister Aidan Quinlan. Barend Johannes Vorster. An Irish nun who had given seven years of her life to healing black South Africans. An Afrikaner insurance man who came every week to serve black families. Both killed by the communities they served. Both erased from the historical record because their deaths complicated the narrative that the liberation movement needed to be clean, noble, and morally unambiguous. The ANC leadership was reportedly horrified. The story was quietly buried. The defence attorney for the men accused of killing Sister Aidan was Advocate Joe Slovo, a Lithuanian-born member of the South African Communist Party who would later co-found the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. He combined his legal work on the trial by day with clandestine meetings with local ANC leaders by night.

That was 1952. Eight years before Sharpeville. And the pattern it established would repeat with mechanical precision for the next four decades. The crocodile does not care who feeds it.

Now move forward to Durban, and to a place called Cato Manor. By 1960, somewhere between 80,000 and 100,000 people were crammed into a settlement built for a fraction of that number, living in approximately 6,000 shacks with almost no sanitation, no formal infrastructure, and no employment worth speaking of. Africans, Indians, and Coloureds lived side by side in conditions that guaranteed friction. The municipality’s beer monopoly, imposed since 1909, had criminalised one of the few income sources available to African women, turning every brewing pot into a criminal offence and every police raid into a provocation. In January 1949, anti-Indian riots had killed 142 people across Durban: 87 Africans, 50 Indians, 1 white, and 4 unclassified.

In June 1959, African women attacked the Cato Manor Beer Hall, and protests spread. Police opened fire. The military was called in. Gary Kynoch, writing in the Journal of African History for Cambridge University Press in 2023, documented eight separate attacks on police patrols in the five months before January 1960 alone. The Interdepartmental Committee recorded that police could not destroy even one per cent of the illegal liquor being produced. The raids were futile, resented, and dangerous. Everyone knew it. They continued anyway.

On Sunday, 24 January 1960, seventeen police officers set out on a routine liquor patrol through the lanes of Cato Manor. Seven were white. Ten were Zulu. They carried revolvers and notebooks and twenty-four rounds of ammunition between them. Some had been doing this work for years. Others were teenagers, eighteen months into a career they had chosen because their fathers had done the same thing. Within hours, nine of them would be dead. Their bodies would be mutilated. And within weeks, the entire world would forget they had ever existed.

What happened that afternoon is documented in Kynoch’s Cambridge study, in Philip Frankel’s An Ordinary Atrocity for Yale University Press, in SAPS Museum File 667-29/2/1B-6/14-1, in the Cape Times of 25 January 1960, and in the testimony gathered by the Interdepartmental Committee of Inquiry.

The patrol arrested a man. A woman’s foot was accidentally trodden on. She screamed. Within minutes, a mob of approximately 800 people had gathered, armed with pangas, knobkerries, axes, and stones. The officers fired their ammunition. It ran out. They retreated to a corrugated iron municipal barracks and barricaded themselves inside, pushing mattresses against the smashed windows. The doors were battered in. The terrified men began bolting from the building, and the crowd set upon them with blades and clubs. Smaller groups gave chase. One constable was killed 350 metres from the barracks. He never stopped running.

Nine men died. Four white Afrikaners. Five black Zulus. Killed together, doing the same job, wearing the same uniform, in the same place. Their names deserve to be spoken aloud, because nobody is going to read them at any United Nations session, any university seminar, any international commemoration of anything.

Constable Gert Jacobus Joubert, force number 35490. White.
Afrikaner. Nineteen years old. Eighteen months a policeman. He was leading the patrol when it was surrounded. Joubert tried to climb an avocado tree to escape the mob closing around him. He was pulled down and hacked to pieces with pangas and knobkerries. His body was unrecognisable.

Constable Cornelius Christian Kriel, force number 34624. White. Afrikaner. Nineteen. When the barracks were stormed, Kriel bolted through the shattered door and ran. He fought with his bare fists when he was caught. He broke free. He ran again, covering nearly a full kilometre before the mob brought him down and hacked him to death in the open, alone, almost a thousand metres from where the killing started.

Constable Cornelius Steyn Rademan, force number 36446. White. Afrikaner. Nineteen. Rademan had escaped. He was clear of the mob. Then he heard Kriel screaming. Multiple accounts compiled in the police investigation and seconded in Brigadier Heymans’ memoir record what happened next. Rademan turned back. He ran toward the screams, back toward the killing, because a colleague was dying and he could not leave him. He was cut down.

Constable Fanezetu Dhludla, force number 130543. Zulu. When Rademan turned back to save Kriel, Dhludla followed him. A black constable, unarmed, running into a mob to help a white man who had gone back for another white man. He could have kept running. Nobody would have blamed him. Nobody would have known. He went back anyway. He was killed alongside Rademan. In the version of South African history that was exported to the world, men like Fanezetu Dhludla do not exist. He complicates the story too much.

Constable Louis William Kunneke, force number 36496. White. Afrikaner. The fourth white constable killed. Like the others, a young recruit who fled the barracks when they were overrun. His body was recovered near the building.

2nd Class Sergeant Kufakwezwe Buhlalo, force number 119702. Zulu. The senior black non-commissioned officer on the patrol. A career policeman the was the last man to leave the barracks room during the final assault, staying behind while others fled. He ran when the crowd broke through. He did not make it.

Constable Paul Jeza, force number 133633. Zulu. Killed in the initial assault or during the flight from the barracks.

Constable Mazanda Nzuza, force number 134706. Zulu. His body was found near the barracks. He was among those described in official accounts as having been mutilated after death.

Constable Peni Mtetwa, force number 136349. Zulu. The Cape Times reported on 25 January 1960 that three of the African constables had been hacked and mutilated beyond recognition.
Frankel, writing for Yale University Press, described the scene in terms that do not leave the mind easily. The more fortunate of the nine had simply been stoned to death.

There were cases of disembowelment. Constable Gert Rheeder, one of the survivors, was pulled from under a heap of rocks and loaded onto a police truck. At the station, Major Jerry van der Merwe saluted what he believed was a corpse.

An Indian policeman noticed a finger move. Rheeder was alive, but so catastrophically injured that his own parents could not recognise him. He survived but never recovered.

Head Constable Greybe recorded that the black constables threw stones at the mob when their ammunition ran out.

Constable Shandu, a Zulu officer, was the first man through a broken door, drawing the mob’s attention so others could escape behind him.

These men, black and white, served together, fought together, and died together. Rademan went back for Kriel. Dhludla went back for Rademan. Shandu went through the door first so others could live.

And the world was never told any of it, because men who die together across racial lines do not serve the narrative that requires the categories to remain fixed: white oppressors on one side, black victims on the other, no exceptions, no complexity, no shared humanity in the dust of a corrugated iron barracks where the categories meant nothing and the only thing that mattered was whether you could hear a man screaming and still keep running.

Fifty-six days later, on 21 March 1960, the Pan Africanist Congress staged its anti-pass campaign at Sharpeville. The PAC was a Marxist pan-Africanist organisation that had broken from the ANC, explicitly rejecting multiracial cooperation and declaring the total removal of European presence from Africa as its objective. What the standard narrative omits is how that crowd was assembled.

Philip Frankel’s research, Reverend Ambrose Reeves’ contemporary accounts, and Kynoch’s 2023 study all document the methods. PAC operatives cut telephone lines into the township before dawn. They blocked bus routes to strand workers. They went door to door pressuring residents to join, threatening to burn the passes of anyone who refused. The crowd that gathered at the police station included willing participants and people who had no way out. It included women and children. Ten of the sixty-nine dead were children. The organisers who cut the phone lines and stopped the buses were not among them. Robert Sobukwe, the PAC president, was in Soweto.

Behind the wire fence stood approximately 300 police officers of all races, many of them young, many of them raw, and every single one of them aware of what had happened at Cato Manor eight weeks earlier. Kynoch explicitly connects the two events. Brigadier Heymans’ memoir records that the Cato Manor killings had devastated police morale across the country. Academic sources confirm that the Sharpeville crowd chanted the words ‘Cato Manor’ at the men behind the fence. When the fence began to buckle under the pressure of thousands of people, someone fired. Others followed.

In approximately forty seconds, sixty-nine people were dead and over 180 wounded, many shot in the back as they fled. The shooting was indefensible. Nothing here changes that. But the question that propaganda exists to prevent you from asking is this: who built the conditions that made it happen? Who cut the phone lines? Who blocked the buses? Who pressured reluctant residents and their children into a crowd and positioned themselves safely somewhere else?

The answer is the PAC. And the method is not unique to them. Engineer a confrontation. Position civilians at maximum exposure. Ensure the leadership is absent from the danger. Harvest the images. If the civilians die, it is a propaganda victory. If they survive, the objective is achieved by intimidation. The dead become martyrs and the organisers become heroes.

The organisers are never at the front. They are never among the dead. Not at Sharpeville. Not at Duncan Village, where Alcott Gwentshe secured permission for the prayer meeting then went to meet Walter Sisulu in North End while the crowd he had assembled was shot at and the communities he had mobilised turned on the people who served them. Not anywhere this playbook has been run, on any continent, in any decade. This is not conspiracy theory.

This is documented operational method, identified by NATO’s Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence, the European Union in a 27-member-state joint declaration of 13 November 2023, the United States National Security Council, and the United Nations Secretary-General, all describing the same pattern when applied by Hamas in Gaza.

The leadership announces the cause. Organisers mobilise the crowd. Women and children are placed at the front. The crowd is directed toward armed men. And the organisers are somewhere else entirely.

The pattern did not stop at Sharpeville. It sharpened. On 20 May 1983, the ANC’s car bomb detonated outside the South African Air Force headquarters on Church Street in Pretoria, killing 19 people and injuring over 200, many of them civilians on a public pavement. On 25 July 1993, the PAC’s armed wing attacked the St James Church congregation in Cape Town during a Sunday evening service, killing 11 worshippers and wounding 58. Exactly one month later, on 25 August 1993, the crocodile ate the hand that fed it one last time in this sequence.

Amy Biehl was a twenty-six-year-old American Fulbright scholar who had come to South Africa to help build the new democracy, working on black voter registration at the University of the Western Cape. She was driving black colleagues home to Gugulethu when a mob of PAC-affiliated youths dragged her from her car, chanting ‘One settler, one bullet,’ and stoned and stabbed her to death. Her black friends screamed that she was a comrade. It made no difference. Her four killers were granted amnesty by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1998.

Sister Aidan. Barend Vorster. Amy Biehl. An Irish nun healing black patients. An Afrikaner insurance man serving black families. An American woman registering black voters. Forty-one years apart, three different decades, three different cities, and the same outcome every time. Each murdered by the communities they served or supported. Each killed because their skin colour overrode everything they had done. And each erased, minimised, or absorbed into a reconciliation narrative so rapidly that the ideology behind the killing was never confronted.

The crocodile does not check your politics. It does not read your CV. The same extremists. South Africa. United States. The same media keeping people ignorant and selling evil, dressing up the anti-Western Marxist crocodile as 'noble' and 'misunderstood'.

It does not care that you knelt on mud floors to deliver babies, or that you came every week to collect premiums from families who trusted you, or that you crossed an ocean to register voters for an election you would never see. It cares about one thing. And that one thing was enough, every time, to get you killed.

Before the arrival of the internet, information could be gated. What the public knew about any country was what the press and the academy chose to tell them. The story of an Irish nun being dismembered and consumed by the community she had served for seven years complicated things. The story of an Afrikaner insurance man beaten to death on a street where his clients lived was quietly useless. The story of nine policemen of different races being hacked to death together destroyed the template entirely. And the story of a young American woman murdered under a racial slogan by the movement she had come to support was devastating to the cause. None of these fitted the narrative.

All of them were real. All of them were suppressed, minimised, or stripped of context until they vanished from the record. What remained was Sharpeville. Clean. Simple. One-directional. Morally unambiguous. And useful.

This is how well-meaning people were recruited to support something they would have recoiled from if they had seen it whole. Not by lying to them. By selecting which truths they were allowed to see. Jacques Ellul, the French sociologist who spent decades studying propaganda systems, described this as the most effective form of manipulation: propaganda that operates entirely through the arrangement of verified facts, omitting only the context that would allow an audience to think for itself.

Hannah Arendt made the complementary observation that ideology does not replace reality but makes one interpretation feel so natural that alternatives become unthinkable. The interpretation that was manufactured around Sharpeville was simple: white evil, black suffering, moral duty to support the resistance. It was not entirely false. It was lethally incomplete. And the incompleteness was the weapon.

The ANC and PAC were designated terrorist organisations by multiple Western governments for decades. The ANC’s alliance with the South African Communist Party was not a casual electoral arrangement but a structural partnership with an organisation that explicitly advocated revolutionary violence and one-party rule. These are court records and parliamentary designations, not contested claims.

But they do not appear in the version of South African history that Western audiences received, because they fracture the single story that was already in place. Noble resistance against racial oppression. Full stop. No footnotes. No follow-up questions. No Cato Manor. No Sister Aidan. No Barend Johannes Vorster collecting premiums from the families who would have mourned him if they had been allowed to. No Fanezetu Dhludla running back into a mob to save a white man because that is what a decent human being does regardless of the colour of the man who is dying.

Ask yourself who benefits when you are not allowed to ask questions. Ask yourself what kind of cause requires the suppression of facts to sustain its moral authority. Ask yourself why Rademan turning back for Kriel, and Dhludla turning back for Rademan, is a story that nobody wanted you to hear.

And then ask yourself what else has been kept from you, and by whom, and why, and whether the people who kept it from you did so because they were protecting you or because they were protecting themselves, and whether the word ‘noble’ still means what you were told it means when you look at the charred hand holding the rosary, the insurance man face down on a road where his clients lived, and the American girl dying under a slogan that said her help was not enough to make her human.

Source Notes and Confidence Levels

Cato Manor killings, 24 January 1960: Kynoch, G. (2023), ‘Raids, Resistance, and Retribution: South Africa’s Cato Manor Killings, 1960–1’, Journal of African History, Cambridge University Press. Officer names, force numbers confirmed via SAPS Museum File 667-29/2/1B-6/14-1. High confidence.

Mutilation and scene details: Frankel, P. (2001), An Ordinary Atrocity: Sharpeville and Its Massacre, Yale University Press. Cape Times, 25 January 1960. High confidence.

Rademan/Dhludla sequence: Police investigation records; Brigadier Heymans memoir (Nongqai Vol. 12 No. 6c, Issuu). Multiple secondary sources corroborate. Medium-high confidence.

Sister Aidan Quinlan / Duncan Village, 9 November 1952: Breier, M. (2021), Bloody Sunday: The Nun, the Defiance Campaign and South Africa’s Secret Massacre (Tafelberg). Sunday Times Non-Fiction Award winner. Breier (2023), ‘Proving a Secret Massacre’, Journal of Southern African Studies (Taylor & Francis). High confidence.

Barend Johannes Vorster: Breier (2021); https://t.co/7j5B9ud4fp SA Crime Victims genealogical project (full name, age 49, date, cause of death).

Death certificate obtained by Breier from Western Cape Archives (KAB, 3/ELN, HAEC). Three convicted, executed 1954. Breier/STIAS seminar (2018). High confidence for documented facts. No personal or family details beyond name, age, occupation, and manner of death survive in available record.

ANC Defiance Campaign / Gwentshe absence: Breier (2021); Breier/Times Live Q&A (2022): Gwentshe obtained permission for meeting, then met Walter Sisulu in North End, East London. High confidence.

PAC coercion at Sharpeville: Frankel (2001); Reeves, A. (1966); Kynoch (2023). High confidence.

Cato Manor’s psychological impact on Sharpeville police: Kynoch (2023); Heymans memoir; Nongqai/Issuu Bulhoek special edition. High confidence.

Amy Biehl, 25 August 1993: South African History Online; TRC Amnesty Committee decision, 28 July 1998 (https://t.co/LIJRMhNmMD). High confidence.

Church Street bombing / St James massacre: Church Street: 20 May 1983, 19 dead, 217 injured. Court records. St James: 25 July 1993, 11 dead, 58 injured. Court records. US State Department designated ANC as terrorist organisation until 2008. High confidence.

Hamas operational parallels: NATO StratCom COE (2019); EU 27-nation joint statement (13 Nov 2023); US NSC; UN Secretary-General. Referenced for general pattern identification only.
Analytical frameworks: Ellul, J. (1962/1965), Propaganda: The Formation of Men’s Attitudes. Arendt, H. (1951), The Origins of Totalitarianism.

#UnitedStates #australia #newzealand #canada #ireland #norway #communism #marxism #HamasIsISIS #panafricanism #Trump #Republicans #Democrats #BlackHistoryMonth #Sharpeville #Sharpville #CatoManor #police #southafrican #southafricatravel #southafricatiktok #tiktok #Breitbart #durban #Zulus #Afrikaners #insurance #priest #brazil #Police #Americans #BlackHistory #BlackHistoryMonth #Florida #Texas #NewYork #HillaryClinton #LindseyGraham

[Afrikaner @AltAfrikaner]

https://t.co/W0FWrZg8RG

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

Coffee so black, it has a Level 1 B-BBEE certificate

[Sensurround @ShamashAran]

Coffee so black, every cup has a different father

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@ErnstRoets "Least trusted journalist" ? That's a pretty low bar, and to paraphrase Clarkson, it's like saying "I have syphilis - it's the best STD !"

[Trekarbeider @trekarbeider9]

@henriettefroh @Martin_ASFL @News24 @afriforum So are you biased against teachers ?
ActionSA really showing its true colours here: so far they have a racist totalitarian as party leader, an ineffective token mayor of Tshwane and and elitist ward councillor (as if that is something to be proud of).

#VoetsekActionSA