Faith isn't always dramatic. Sometimes, it's simply choosing to remain honest when it costs you, patient when it's difficult, and hopeful when the outcome is beyond your control. Some seasons stretch our faith, but they often deepen it. Keep trusting God.
I'm changing how I show up here. Less noise, more intention. What I post from now on will reflect what I actually value — not just what's trending. Slower, but truer.
🚨BREAKING: Dr Paul Enenche responds ferociously to the Islamic cleric who talked down on Christianity & promoted the Muslim Muslim Ticket.
“You should be in an asylum or a psychiatric home”
Shame on every Christian still supporting this MM ticket. SHAME ON YOU
@ruffonfire pls tell Dr Abati that the problem is not shortagey of hangmen but the refusal of state governors to sign the death warrants of inmates on death row. The last gov to do it was Oshiomhole and when he did the IDRs were executed....
The Islamic imam who put 1million naira to any Muslim that can behead a pastor for preaching Jesus has said:
“…whoever carries out this job (of beheading the pastor), I swear to Allah I’ll give him one million naira. We have nothing to lose even if after beheading this pastor, the Arewa plunges into chaos, we have nothing to lose…”
Dear @OfficialDSSNG@PoliceNG
We know you will pretend not to see this. But we are bringing this to your attention again.
There are Muslim clerics in northern Nigeria who are openly calling for the beheading of Christian pastors.
Pls help retweet this for the world to see.
AN OPEN LETTER TO PETER OBI — A WORD FROM A SON OF NIGERIA
On Power, Courage, and the Unfinished Business of a Nation
Kio Amachree | President, Worldview International · Stockholm | April 2026
Dear Mr. Peter Obi,
I owe you a confession before I offer you counsel. In the last presidential election, I supported you. Not casually — I believed in you. I watched you speak in Atlanta, and what I saw was something Nigeria has rarely produced: a man who sounded like he had actually read the brief, who understood the gravity of the office he was seeking, and who spoke to Nigerians not as subjects to be managed but as citizens deserving of respect. I was moved. I was persuaded. And I trusted a process that, as I now understand more completely than ever, was never designed to be trusted.
I looked across at Bola Ahmed Tinubu — a man who, in the most charitable interpretation of his observable condition, appeared to be fighting a daily battle simply to remain upright and coherent — and I made the mistake of assuming that what was obvious to my eyes would be obvious to the outcome. I did not account sufficiently for the depth of the organised criminality arrayed against the Nigerian people. I did not account for the degree to which the machinery of power in that country has been engineered not to reflect the will of the citizenry but to override it. I switched off in disgust. I am ashamed to admit it, but I did. For a moment, I despaired.
What reactivated me was not optimism. It was fury — and the particular fury of a man who was raised to believe that silence in the face of injustice is its own form of complicity. My father, Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC — Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, General Gowon’s personal envoy to Washington during the Civil War, one of the architects of Rivers State — was not a gentle man. He was rigorous. He was demanding. He was, at times, difficult to love. But he built into me something I could not switch off even when I wanted to: the sense that Nigeria is not merely a country one happens to have been born into. It is a responsibility. It is a debt owed to those who came before and those who will come after.
My grandfather, Chief Sekin Amachree, sat at the 1958 Constitutional Conference and the Willink Commission. These men shaped Nigeria before it was even Nigeria. I am their reflection — and as any man who has stood before a mirror knows, a reflection does not always like what it sees. But it cannot look away.
Now I come to you with what I hope you will receive in the spirit in which it is offered: not as flattery, not as political alignment, but as the hard, frank counsel of one educated man to another. I was educated at Eton College — not the softened, therapeutic Eton of today, but the Eton that broke you down and rebuilt you; the Eton that fed you deliberately terrible food so that you would learn to endure discomfort without complaint; the Eton that placed you among the sons of dukes and diplomats and expected you to hold your own. The school that in its long and morally complicated history produced twenty-four British Prime Ministers — including, most recently, Boris Johnson and David Cameron.
I mention those two men for a reason, Peter, and I need you to listen carefully because there is a lesson in them for you. Boris Johnson — the blond, blundering, self-consciously bumbling figure that the British public came to love and loathe in equal measure — is not what he appears. That persona is a construction, polished over years at Eton, refined at Oxford, deployed with extraordinary precision.
Johnson’s great-great-grandfather was a Turkish journalist named Ali Kemal, a man of dark complexion and Muslim faith who was so critical of the Atatürk revolution that he was killed by a mob and his body dragged through the streets of Istanbul. His family fled to England during the First World War — on the wrong side of the conflict, since the Ottomans had fought with the Axis against Britain — and his widow, terrified of persecution, changed the family name to Johnson. A safe, plain, English name. Over generations, the Turkish identity dissolved. The grandson of that terrified widow became the Foreign Secretary and then the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.
I am not telling you this to diminish Johnson. I am telling you this because it is the greatest lesson Eton teaches, though it never states it plainly: the surface is a weapon. The carefully constructed persona — the apparent bumbling, the Latin quotations, the self-deprecating humour — was armour and ammunition simultaneously. While his opponents were laughing at him, he was outmanoeuvring them. David Cameron, by contrast, came from genuine money and genuine breeding. He had no need to construct anything. He was charming, handsome, instinctively confident, loved his Bob Marley, smoked his weed at school, was caught — and was not expelled, because Eton looked at him and saw a future Prime Minister, which is precisely what he became. Two very different men. Both utterly ruthless. Both winners.
The lesson I am drawing for you is this: you must stop campaigning like a man who is trying not to offend anyone, and start campaigning like a man who intends to win. Nigeria in 2027 is not a debating competition. It is a knife fight. And a knife fight is not won by the man who is most correct — it is won by the man who is most prepared to use what is in his hand.
Let me now speak plainly about Bola Ahmed Tinubu, because plainness is what this moment demands. In my considered assessment — and I do not use such language lightly — Tinubu represents the most comprehensively corrupt political figure to have occupied the highest office in Nigeria’s troubled history. That is not rhetoric. That is a conclusion drawn from evidence that is now, in significant part, part of the public international record.
There is the matter of the United States federal narcotics investigation — the case that cost him his forfeited funds in Chicago and that lies at the core of the FBI and DEA files that a United States federal court, under Judge Beryl Howell, has ordered released. Those files, due by June of this year, may well constitute the most consequential document release in the history of Nigerian political accountability. The man currently sitting in Aso Rock has a documented relationship with American federal law enforcement that has never been honestly reckoned with by the Nigerian political establishment or the Nigerian press.
And then there is Gilbert Chagoury. Let us be precise: Chagoury is a man convicted in Switzerland of money laundering and reported by American intelligence as having financed Hezbollah. He is also the man to whom Tinubu’s administration has directed billions of dollars in no-tender infrastructure contracts — including the controversial Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — without competitive bid, without transparency, without the basic procedural safeguards that any functioning government owes its people. The relationship between Tinubu and Chagoury is not incidental. It is structural. It is the architecture of how power and money move in this administration.
And then there is the son. Seyi Tinubu. A young man installed on corporate boards, positioned as a conduit for the family’s accumulation of influence, presented to the public through the cynical theatre of rice distributions to the poor while billions are being distributed to the connected. He is not a peripheral figure. He is the succession plan. He is also, for your purposes, the most humanly comprehensible point of attack — because nothing angers ordinary Nigerians more than watching a president’s son live like a king while they cannot afford to eat.
Peter, here is my direct counsel to you. Stop being careful. The time for careful has passed. These are not normal political adversaries operating within a normal political system. These are people who have weaponised the state, corrupted the judiciary, terrified the press, and enriched themselves beyond any defensible measure while the Nigerian naira has collapsed and ordinary families have been reduced to desperate improvisation simply to survive. You are not going to defeat them by being measured. You are going to defeat them by being relentless.
Make the Chagoury contracts the centrepiece of your campaign. Demand accountability for every naira. Make Nigerians understand not just that money has been stolen — they already know money has been stolen, they have always known — but where it has gone, into whose hands, and at whose instruction. Make the connection between the billions flowing to Chagoury’s companies and the intelligence reports linking Chagoury’s network to Hezbollah financing. Ask the question publicly and loudly: are Nigerian state funds being used to finance terrorism? Ask it until you get an answer.
I write this from Stockholm. I cannot vote. I cannot march. I am a Swedish citizen of Ijaw and Niger Delta royal lineage, a diaspora voice, a man who has slept in palaces and on floors and worked on Wall Street and in the City of London and in the Nigerian National Assembly and in the boiling heart of African civic struggle. I have no party. I have no financial interest. What I have is a name, a history, and a conscience that my father — for all his severity — programmed to be incapable of looking away.
I pray that the United States releases those FBI and DEA files on schedule. I pray that the Central Intelligence Agency, which has long maintained its own complex relationship with Tinubu, makes the calculation that he has become more liability than asset — particularly as the Chagoury-Hezbollah nexus moves from allegation toward documented fact in international law enforcement circles. These are not fantasies. These are live proceedings in active jurisdictions.
Nigeria does not need saving — that framing is too passive, and it places too much burden on a single individual. Nigeria needs someone willing to fight for it with the same ferocity that those who have looted it have fought to keep it. My grandfather helped write the terms of this nation’s existence. My father spent his life in its service. I have spent mine trying to honour them both while finding my own voice in a world that did not always make room for it easily.
I am offering you that voice. The counsel of an Old Etonian who was taught not how to be a gentleman — though that too — but how empires are built, how power actually functions, and why the most dangerous man in any room is often the one who appears least threatening. I am offering you the analytical framework of a man who has studied Nigerian politics from the inside and from the outside, who understands the diaspora, who understands the international legal architecture that can be brought to bear, and who believes, despite everything, that this fight is still winnable.
Go for the jugular, Peter. Do it with evidence. Do it with precision. Do it with the controlled fury of a man who has genuinely reckoned with what is at stake. Cast away the niceties — they have cost you enough already.
Nigeria is watching. The diaspora is watching. And the dead — among them the men whose names I carry — are watching too.
I wish you strength, clarity, and the wisdom to know that in this particular fight, mercy extended to the wrong people is simply cruelty extended to the right ones.
Go well. And go hard.
Kio Amachree
President, Worldview International
Stockholm, Kingdom of Sweden
Son of Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC, Nigeria’s First Solicitor-General
“One of the pilots who flew me said I gave him a scholarship to learn how to fly. A Reverend Father who preached here also said he benefited from my scholarship, even though I have never met him before.
I want a country where people can attain certain positions without knowing anyone. I once met a man working at a restaurant in Abuja who said he was a first-class graduate, how can someone with such qualifications be in that position?
Any contractor who can come forward with evidence that they received a contract under my government and that I asked for a percentage from the money of the contract, I will quit politics.” — HE Peter Obi at The Faith Inspiration Initiative Programme
Also, Peter Obi is not a “lesser evil”.
I am again begging us all to have moral clarity.
The man who said if anyone finds N5 that he embezzled should come forward and he’d leave the race:
That man is not a “lesser evil” I am begging you guys.
The man who has donated more money to education and health from his own purse more than the CapEx for health by the government is not a “lesser evil”.
The man who left no debt but actual surplus in the treasury of the state he governed is not a “lesser evil”.
The man who has successfully without any corruption led as:
Chairman of Fidelity Bank Plc
Director of Fidelity Bank Plc
Chairman of Next International Nigeria Ltd
Chairman of Guardian Express Mortgage Bank Ltd
Chairman of Future View Securities Ltd
Chairman of Paymaster Nigeria Ltd
Chairman of Chams Nigeria Plc
Director of Chams Nigeria Plc
Director of Data Corp Ltd
Director of Card Centre Plc
Independent Non-Executive Director of Nigeria LNG Ltd:
Is not a “lesser evil”.
The man who went to Egypt to study how to make power constant for you is not a lesser evil.
The man who said he wouldn’t tax you unless he has prospered you isn’t a lesser evil.
The “lesser evil” bifurcation came when we wanted to choose between a corrupt incompetent Buhari and a corrupt incompetent Atiku.
I don’t really like politics Twitter. But I’m saying this so we all have moral clarity.
I am begging us all. Please, let’s dump these contrarian virtue signaling.
I am begging.
We are up against vicious people. These are the people who have witnessed around 5 generals and colonels die and nothing is moving them.
I am begging you all, please.
A PUBLIC DECLARATION TO THE PEOPLE OF NIGERIA By Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden
ENOUGH IS ENOUGH.
I am Kio Amachree. I speak as a son of Nigeria, a child of the Niger Delta, a descendant of Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree — Nigeria's first Solicitor-General, the man who served this nation before most of its current rulers were born. I speak without political affiliation, without financial sponsor, without fear.
Today I am calling on every Nigerian — at home and in the diaspora — to boycott the Chagoury Group and all its businesses with immediate effect.
This is not a request. This is a declaration of economic self-defence.
WHO ARE THE CHAGOURYS?
Gilbert and Ronald Chagoury are Lebanese-Nigerian billionaires who have built the most powerful foreign corporate empire in Nigerian history — not through fair competition, but through political corruption, cronyism, and the systematic capture of Nigerian state power.
Gilbert Chagoury holds a Nigerian passport. He also hides behind a Saint Lucia diplomatic passport. He was convicted in Switzerland in the year 2000 for laundering money on behalf of military dictator Sani Abacha — one of the most brutal kleptocrats Africa has ever produced. He entered into a deferred prosecution agreement in the United States. He has faced FBI and DEA scrutiny. This is the man President Bola Tinubu calls his "partner in daring." This is the man Tinubu awarded the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger — Nigeria's second highest national honour — in January 2026.
Let that sink in. A convicted money launderer. Decorated by a sitting Nigerian president.
HOW THEY TREAT YOUR BROTHERS AND SISTERS
Let us talk about what the Chagoury Group does to the Nigerian workers who build their empire with their hands, their sweat, and their bodies.
ITB Nigeria — a Chagoury Group subsidiary — dismissed more than 150 workers after they protested what they described as poor pay and exploitative working conditions at a Lagos construction site. These were not agitators. These were men who went to work every day building the very infrastructure contracts the Nigerian government handed to their employer without a tender.
Workers demanded a transport allowance increase after the fuel subsidy was removed, and raised concerns over discrimination and lack of holiday benefits. They were getting N2,000 daily for transport. After fares skyrocketed, they asked for a review. The company ignored them. That is what led to the protest.
And the response of the Chagoury Group to workers peacefully demanding to be treated like human beings? Several of those affected said the company specifically targeted employees who participated in the demonstration. "They picked out those of us who protested," one of the sacked workers said.
The protest was widely circulated in a video by Objectv Media, showing a crowd of workers chanting and demanding humane treatment at ITB's Lagos site. It sparked outrage on social media and among labour activists.
This is the face behind the luxury hotels, the gleaming towers, the coastal highway. Nigerian hands doing the work. Nigerian families bearing the sacrifice. And a Lebanese family in Lagos punishing those workers for having the dignity to ask for bus fare.
This is not an employer. This is an occupier.
FIFTY-FIVE YEARS IN NIGERIA. NOT ONE BLACK FAMILY MEMBER.
The Chagoury Group was founded in 1971. That is fifty-five years of operating in Nigeria. Fifty-five years of extracting Nigerian resources, winning Nigerian government contracts, employing Nigerian labour, and living on Nigerian soil.
In those fifty-five years, ask yourself this question: Has a single member of the Chagoury family married a Nigerian? Has one Black African woman or man been welcomed into the Chagoury bloodline?
The answer is no. Not one. Not a single instance of genuine integration into the Nigerian society that has made them billionaires many times over.
Gilbert Chagoury has been married since 1969 to Rose Marie Chamchoum — a Lebanese woman. His brother Ronald married into the same Lebanese-Christian community. Their children marry within their community. Their grandchildren will marry within their community. Generation after generation, they take from Nigeria and give nothing of themselves back — not their family, not their loyalty, not their integration.
Compare this to the Lebanese and Syrian communities in Brazil, in Mexico, in the United States, in Senegal — where genuine intermarriage, cultural fusion, and civic integration transformed those communities into true members of their adopted nations. The Chagourys have chosen a different path entirely. They live among Nigerians as a permanent colonial caste — above, apart, and untouchable.
They send their children to schools in Lebanon, France, and America. They holiday in Europe. Their wealth is domiciled offshore — in British Virgin Islands companies, in Swiss accounts, in Saint Lucia diplomatic protections. They carry Nigerian passports when it is convenient. They carry other passports when it is not.
Nigeria is not their home. Nigeria is their mine.
And the moment a Nigerian worker asks for bus fare, they are fired.
THE EMPIRE THEY HAVE BUILT ON YOUR BACK
The Chagoury Group controls the following companies and assets — all feeding off Nigerian public resources, Nigerian land, and Nigerian labour:
CONSTRUCTION & INFRASTRUCTURE— Hitech Construction — awarded the $13 billion Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway without a single public bid. In March 2024, Tinubu's government illegally transferred N1.067 trillion ($853 million) in public funds directly to Hitech — without parliamentary approval. Human rights lawyer Femi Falana called it exactly what it is: a crime. — ITB Nigeria — awarded the $700 million contract to renovate Apapa and Tin Can Island ports. No competitive tender. Financed by a Citibank loan backed by UK Export Finance — meaning Nigeria is borrowing money to pay a Chagoury company, while British firms pocket a guaranteed £236 million in subcontracts. The same company that fired 150 workers for peacefully protesting. — C&C Construction — built the Federal Parliament complex in Abuja, the State Security Service headquarters, the Nigerian Defence Academy. Contract after contract. Decade after decade. All awarded by men in power who owed the Chagourys favours. — Snake Island Port — the Chagoury network is now embedded in the latest $1 billion port concession in Lagos, linked to companies carrying histories of bribery and money laundering across three continents. — Lekki-Epe Expressway — awarded to Chagoury by Lagos State. Never completed. The state government was forced to buy it back with public money. No accountability. No penalty.
REAL ESTATE— South Energyx Nigeria — controls the land for Eko Atlantic City, 10 million square metres of Lagos coastline granted to the Chagourys by Tinubu himself when he was Governor of Lagos State in 2007. This was public land. Your land. Given away. — Eko Atlantic City — a luxury city for the global elite, built on reclaimed Nigerian coastline. The ordinary Nigerian will never live there. — Ocean Parade Towers — luxury residential on Banana Island, Lagos Lagoon. — Intercontinental Hotel Victoria Island — 19 floors.
HOSPITALITY— Eko Hotel & Suites — Lagos's largest five-star hotel. Do not sleep there. — Hotel Presidential — Port Harcourt. — Courdeau Catering — the catering arm.
FLOUR & FOOD MANUFACTURING— Ideal Flour Mills — Kaduna — Nigerian Eagle Flour Mills — Ibadan — Niger Delta Flour Mills— Port Harcourt Flour Mills— Grands Moulins du Bénin — 250 metric tonnes of wheat flour per day across West Africa — Tin Can Island Grain Facility
Every bag of flour. The Chagourys may be taking a cut. Know what you are buying.
WATER, GLASS & MANUFACTURING— Ragolis Waters — do not buy it. — Glassforce — glass manufacturing — Pirotech — industrial production — Silhouette Furniture — furniture manufacturing
TRANSPORTATION— Fleetwood Transportation — trucks and logistics across Nigeria
HEALTHCARE— Ideal Eagle Hospital — Lagos, retained by Shell and multinationals. Built for their own employees and expatriate clients, not for ordinary Nigerians.
TELECOMMUNICATIONS, TECHNOLOGY & FINANCE— Active interests in Nigerian telecoms, IT services, insurance, and international financing
CDK Integrated Industries — Seyi Tinubu, the President's son, sits on the board. This is not coincidence. This is state capture in plain sight.
MINING — In 2025, Chagoury-linked entities moved to seize lithium mining permits in Kaduna State previously held by British firm Jupiter Lithium, which threatened international arbitration over the permit revocation. Now they want your minerals too.
THE TINUBU CONNECTION: A FAMILY AFFAIR
The relationship between the Tinubu family and the Chagourys is not merely political. It is corporate. It is financial. It is personal.
Seyi Tinubu — the President's son — sat on the board of CDK Integrated Industries, a Chagoury company.
Seyi Tinubu and Ronald Chagoury Jr. were co-shareholders in an offshore company registered in the British Virgin Islands — a jurisdiction chosen specifically for corporate anonymity. This was exposed in documents leaked to the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists.
Tinubu granted the Chagoury Group title to 10 million square metres of Lagos coastline when he was Governor. He awarded them the Lagos-Calabar Highway. He awarded them the ports contract. He placed Gilbert Chagoury in Nigeria's official COP28 delegation in Dubai. He honoured him with the GCON. He attended a meeting in February 2025 with Chagoury and the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy to discuss handing port operations to Dubai-based DP World — again brokered by Chagoury.
This is not gratitude between friends. This is a transaction. And Nigerians are paying the bill.
WHAT YOUR SILENCE IS COSTING YOU
The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — N15 trillion — is more than half of Nigeria's entire 2024 national budget. Awarded without tender. To one family. A foreign family. A family with a money laundering conviction.
The ports renovation — $700 million borrowed at interest, with British companies guaranteed the subcontracts. Nigeria takes the debt. Britain takes the jobs. Chagoury takes the fees. And the workers who build it earn N2,000 a day and get fired for asking for more.
The Eko Atlantic land — 10 million square metres of your coastline — handed over when Tinubu was governor. A luxury city for the global elite, rising on what was once Nigerian public shore.
And through it all: no competitive bidding. No parliamentary oversight. No accountability. No integration. No respect. Just presidential praise, national honours for a convicted criminal, and mass sackings for workers who dared to speak.
MY DEMANDS — EFFECTIVE IMMEDIATELY
To the Nigerian people: Boycott the Chagoury Group. Do not sleep at Eko Hotel or Hotel Presidential. Do not buy Ragolis water. Do not eat bread from their mills if you know the brand. Do not do business with any entity that bears the Chagoury name or feeds their network. Hit them where it matters — in the pocket.
To Nigerian television and media: Stop your silence. Start reporting. The worker sackings at ITB. The Lagos-Calabar Highway scandal. The ports contracts. The BVI offshore company linking Seyi Tinubu to the Chagoury family. The Swiss money laundering conviction. The deferred prosecution agreement in America. The fifty-five years of zero racial integration into Nigerian society. All of it. Before the Nigerian public. Every day. Without fear.
To the National Assembly: Investigate every contract awarded to every Chagoury subsidiary since Tinubu assumed office. Demand the tender records. Demand the conflict of interest disclosures. Launch a parliamentary inquiry into the mass dismissal of 150 workers. If the transfer of N1.067 trillion without appropriation was illegal — and Femi Falana has said it was — initiate proceedings.
To Nigerian labour unions — the NLC and TUC: The 150 workers fired by ITB Nigeria for peaceful protest deserve your full legal and institutional support. Take the Chagoury Group to the National Industrial Court. Make this case a national landmark on the rights of Nigerian workers against foreign employers who treat our people as disposable instruments.
To the international community — the United States, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the European Union: The deferred prosecution agreement is on record. The Swiss conviction is on record. The offshore corporate structures are on record. Apply the same scrutiny to these new multi-billion-dollar contracts that you would apply to any other convicted actor operating at the heart of a sovereign government. Asset freezes. Enhanced due diligence. Correspondent banking restrictions. You know how this works.
A FINAL WORD
The Chagoury Group has been in Nigeria for fifty-five years. They have taken billions. They have married none of us. They have fired those of us who asked for dignity. They have bought the president. They have bought the contracts. They have bought the coastline. They have bought the national honours.
They have given Nigeria a convicted money launderer, mass worker sackings, offshore secrecy, and a luxury city on stolen public land where no ordinary Nigerian will ever live.
This is not partnership. This is plantation economics with a Nigerian passport.
A Lebanese family — one of whom carries a Saint Lucia diplomatic passport, one of whom was convicted of laundering a dictator's stolen billions — now controls your highways, your ports, your flour, your water, your coastline, the board memberships of the President's own son, and the livelihoods of workers who dare not protest.
If Nigerians do not rise — economically, politically, journalistically — this will not stop. The next contract is already being prepared. The next honour is already being planned. The next worker will be fired tomorrow morning for asking for bus fare.
Boycott the Chagoury Group. Defend your workers. Demand accountability from Tinubu. Reclaim your country.
Nigeria belongs to Nigerians.
Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden President, Worldview International Diaspora Activist | Political Commentator