Here’s what one Signal message uncovered.
I messaged a group admin asking how my family in NJ could help the Delaney Hall protesters. Within minutes she sent me a supply list and a Venmo donation link.
The supply list wasn’t water bottles. It was P100 respirators (tear gas grade), military-spec impact goggles, welding gloves for picking up hot tear gas canisters, helmets, body armor, and Sudecon chemical decontamination wipes. That’s a military/law enforcement product most people have never heard of.
The Venmo link: @cosechanj. That account belongs to Jenny Garcia. She’s the main organizer of the Delaney Hall protests.
Quoted in the American Prospect, Newsweek, and TIME. Listed as the official press contact.
She is not a volunteer. She is a professional organizer.
Venmo feeds are public. I pulled hers.
Payments labeled “Commissary” (money for detained immigrants to buy food inside the facility). “Commissary / phone accounts fund” (keeping detainees’ phones active). “DSA meeting” (Democratic Socialists of America). “Mutual aid.” “F ICE.”
Same account. Uber rides. Cumbia dance classes. A cafe called Pika’s Fika.
Protest donations and personal spending. One feed. No separation.
So who pays Jenny Garcia?
She holds three titles at three organizations.
Detention Watch Network. DC-based. $7.2 million in assets. Ford Foundation funded.
AFSC. Classified as a church. No public donors. Tides Foundation gave them $221K.
Cosecha NJ. The @cosechanj Venmo name. Files two 990s. Reports $0 in salaries. Every year. Every officer. Nobody gets paid.
Foundation money pays Garcia through DWN and AFSC. She organizes under Cosecha’s name. Cosecha claims to pay nobody.
More coming.
I sent one message on Signal asking how to help the Delaney Hall protesters. Within minutes I had a Venmo link and a supply list.
The supply list wasn’t water bottles.
I followed the Venmo. Then I pulled the 990s. Then it all started to unravel.
One message unraveled the entire NJ anti-ICE network. More soon.
I feel meetings should have happened first to determine whether someone was even amenable to receiving these documents and putting out the “scoop”before they were handed over. And remember a private citizen doesn’t have anything close to the cover or protections that the NYT or Washington Post would have.
Second, not every release marking was scratched out as it should be if made for dissemination. You simply cannot take documents that were released to a congressional committee for a specific purpose and then decide they’re fair game for public release. If I was handed those, I tell you honestly, I would have believed FBI was setting me up. It’s not like entrapment isn’t uncommon.
This wasn’t thought through or handled professionally. @DataRepublican handled it with the ethics and judgment one should expect her to exercise. She’s not a leaker, and frankly, that’s a good thing. It’s not “savvy” to be the person who plays that game, by the way. It’s dirty, and it’s a hell of a risk to take with someone else’s career and reputation.
The leak is bad because it shows the State Department used a foreign-propaganda office against Americans, then lied to Congress about it.
What GEC was allowed to do
Congress built the Global Engagement Center to counter foreign state and terrorist propaganda (22 U.S.C. § 2656 note). Russia, China, Iran, ISIS. Overseas. Not your uncle’s Facebook.
The First Amendment is the wall. State does not get to police domestic political speech. That’s why GEC’s own people told Congress in 2023 they “do not do any work domestically.”
Rogers’ papers say that was false.
What the papers show they did
1. They outsourced the illegal part.
In 2020 GEC plugged into the Election Integrity Partnership - Stanford, University of Washington, Graphika, Atlantic Council. House Judiciary already documented CISA and GEC helping stand that up so government could “launder” censorship past the First Amendment. Stamos admitted EIP existed to do what government lacked legal authorization to do.
Rogers’ internals make it operational, not theoretical: a GEC staffer on EIP nearly full time, in the ticket system, on Slack with a personal Gmail. That’s not “we sent a liaison to a briefing.” That’s State sitting in the takedown queue.
Tickets went to platforms. Platforms pulled posts. That’s the government speaking through a university so it doesn’t have to put a https://t.co/sjvr0lujJ1 letterhead on “delete this American.”
2. The “foreign” excuse was a decoy.
EIP’s own report: every “repeat spreader” they named on Twitter was an American right-of-center account. Under 1% of claims involved foreign actors.
So the office chartered to fight Moscow spent the election working Americans. That’s the crime of the cover story. If it’s foreign, they have a statute. If it’s domestic, they need a warrant or they need to shut up. They picked a third option: call the American right “disinfo” and route it through EIP.
3. They hit a real political video and called it security.
Sunrise Zoom calls, November 2020: BLM / Shutdown DC planning resistance if Trump won. Citizen journalists posted it. YouTube killed it. Rogers’ file: GEC flagged it, EIP made it a top narrative, ~500k tweets tracked. Stamos to platforms: we’re writing this up as disinformation, act before we drop that.
Whether you like those activists is irrelevant. A State Department foreign-influence shop submitting domestic protest planning for deletion is the government picking winners in American politics. “You might want to act soon” is a threat with a Stanford return address.
The staffer admitted they couldn’t act because it was domestic - then submitted the URLs anyway. That’s consciousness of guilt in an email.
4. They turned dissent into a “gendered foreign op.”
July 2022 GEC report with EU/EEAS partners on “gendered disinformation.” They treated insults, Tucker, “Ministry of Truth,” jokes about Nina Jancowicz as if GRU wrote them.
Jancowicz lasted weeks at DHS’s Disinformation Governance Board. The country laughed it out of the building. GEC’s move: file the laughter as a disinfo campaign against a woman, not as voters rejecting a speech cop. Internally they circulated the same doubts (Steele, Hunter laptop, her Trump comments). Publicly they pathologized the public.
That’s how you criminalize opposition without a statute. You don’t ban the speech. You label it a security incident and a gendered attack, then share it with foreign partners as if Americans criticizing a Biden appointee were a Kremlin product.
5. They told Congress the opposite.
October 2023: GEC sworn line is no domestic work. These records are domestic work. That’s not a policy disagreement. That’s oversight getting played. Then they sent the Hill a copy stamped not for public release, so the proof of the lie sits in a drawer.
Why this is worse than “Twitter Files already said that”
Twitter Files showed the machine. This is State authenticating GEC’s seat at the table with internal emails, a GEC-authored report, and a congressional stamp.
House Judiciary (Nov 2023) already said GEC + CISA + Stanford. Lawsuits (Missouri v. Biden, Daily Wire/Federalist v. State) already said GEC funded/partnered with censors (GDI, NewsGuard, EIP). Congress let GEC’s authorization die Dec 23, 2024 for this reason.
Rogers’ drop is the autopsy photos: the full-time staffer, the Gmail workaround, the “we can’t act / submit anyway” ticket, the Jancowicz binder, the lie to the Hill.
A foreign-influence office that targets Americans is not defending the country. It is running an information op on the country, with a university cutout and a gender studies alibi.
That’s why it’s bad. Not because the emails are spicy. Because the statute, the Constitution, and the testimony to Congress all said they couldn’t do this and they did it anyway.
Sarah Rogers just posted the files she asked @DataRepublican to leak.
Read them. Then ask why Public Diplomacy needed a civilian’s handle to say it first.
State’s Global Engagement Center existed to track foreign propaganda. Russia. China. Iran. That was the legal box. In 2020 the box disappeared.
GEC sat inside the Election Integrity Partnership. Stanford Internet Observatory. University of Washington. Graphika. Atlantic Council. Ticket system. URLs in, takedowns out. DHS CISA was in it. GEC was in it. A GEC staffer worked the partnership nearly full time through election day, lived in the ticket queue, and joined the Slack on a personal Gmail so the building could pretend it wasn’t there.
Alex Stamos, who ran EIP, said the quiet part: the partnership existed to do what government lacked legal authorization to do. Because doing it directly would violate the First Amendment.
EIP’s own report: every “repeat spreader” they named on Twitter was an American right-of-center account. Less than 1% of the claims they chased were foreign. GEC’s job was the 1%. They worked the 99%.
When a GEC-EIP staffer flagged a video of U.S. federal employees and contractors talking post-election disruption in D.C., they admitted they couldn’t act because it was domestic. Then they submitted the URLs anyway.
Sunrise Zoom calls. BLM and Shutdown DC planning resistance if Trump won. Citizen journalists put it out. YouTube killed it for “community guidelines.” GEC had already flagged it. EIP made it a top “misinformation” target and tracked something like half a million tweets. Stamos to the platforms: we’re writing this up as disinformation, you might want to act before we drop that. TikTok moved. The GEC staffer celebrated “quick action.”
That’s 2020.
2022 they ran a “gendered disinformation” report with EU partners. July. They treated insults and stereotypes like a foreign influence op. Same season Nina Jancowicz’s Disinformation Governance Board was getting laughed out of DHS. GEC logged Tucker, “Ministry of Truth,” chin jokes, Americans saying she was a political activist, and filed it as a disinfo narrative against her. Internally they were emailing the same doubts: Steele dossier, Hunter laptop, Trump comments. Then they told Congress, October 2023, that GEC does no domestic work.
Rogers posted the receipts. Hearing stills. Emails. Tickets. A packet that had already gone to Congress stamped “not for public release.”
She called the markings FOIA redactions. The Hill stamp is not a FOIA black box. It’s a handle that says this copy doesn’t walk out the door.
Then she posted the whole thing on the Under Secretary account in an hour.
So she could do it herself. She just did.
The files are GEC eating Americans. The method is why you should care. Official speech wouldn’t carry. @DataRepublican’s would. State wanted the drop with someone else’s name on it, deniability if the stamp turned into a problem, and a researcher’s audience doing Public Diplomacy’s job.
If it’s a release, you release it. You don’t slide a “not for public release” packet to a civilian and wait.
The government has been actively censoring right wing accounts on social media since at least 2020, despite it being illegal.
They then lied to congress about it in 2023.
Sarah Rogers just posted the files she asked @DataRepublican to leak.
Read them. Then ask why Public Diplomacy needed a civilian’s handle to say it first.
State’s Global Engagement Center existed to track foreign propaganda. Russia. China. Iran. That was the legal box. In 2020 the box disappeared.
GEC sat inside the Election Integrity Partnership. Stanford Internet Observatory. University of Washington. Graphika. Atlantic Council. Ticket system. URLs in, takedowns out. DHS CISA was in it. GEC was in it. A GEC staffer worked the partnership nearly full time through election day, lived in the ticket queue, and joined the Slack on a personal Gmail so the building could pretend it wasn’t there.
Alex Stamos, who ran EIP, said the quiet part: the partnership existed to do what government lacked legal authorization to do. Because doing it directly would violate the First Amendment.
EIP’s own report: every “repeat spreader” they named on Twitter was an American right-of-center account. Less than 1% of the claims they chased were foreign. GEC’s job was the 1%. They worked the 99%.
When a GEC-EIP staffer flagged a video of U.S. federal employees and contractors talking post-election disruption in D.C., they admitted they couldn’t act because it was domestic. Then they submitted the URLs anyway.
Sunrise Zoom calls. BLM and Shutdown DC planning resistance if Trump won. Citizen journalists put it out. YouTube killed it for “community guidelines.” GEC had already flagged it. EIP made it a top “misinformation” target and tracked something like half a million tweets. Stamos to the platforms: we’re writing this up as disinformation, you might want to act before we drop that. TikTok moved. The GEC staffer celebrated “quick action.”
That’s 2020.
2022 they ran a “gendered disinformation” report with EU partners. July. They treated insults and stereotypes like a foreign influence op. Same season Nina Jancowicz’s Disinformation Governance Board was getting laughed out of DHS. GEC logged Tucker, “Ministry of Truth,” chin jokes, Americans saying she was a political activist, and filed it as a disinfo narrative against her. Internally they were emailing the same doubts: Steele dossier, Hunter laptop, Trump comments. Then they told Congress, October 2023, that GEC does no domestic work.
Rogers posted the receipts. Hearing stills. Emails. Tickets. A packet that had already gone to Congress stamped “not for public release.”
She called the markings FOIA redactions. The Hill stamp is not a FOIA black box. It’s a handle that says this copy doesn’t walk out the door.
Then she posted the whole thing on the Under Secretary account in an hour.
So she could do it herself. She just did.
The files are GEC eating Americans. The method is why you should care. Official speech wouldn’t carry. @DataRepublican’s would. State wanted the drop with someone else’s name on it, deniability if the stamp turned into a problem, and a researcher’s audience doing Public Diplomacy’s job.
If it’s a release, you release it. You don’t slide a “not for public release” packet to a civilian and wait.
Sad reality: do your job too well, look into things too much, and someone will try to stop you.
Not with an argument. With a setup. A meeting. A stack of paper. A prison sentence with your name already on it.
That’s how you know you are getting close.
The markings weren’t crossed out. I consulted people and if this were a sanctioned leak - they would have just sent over email. They tried to entrap me.