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🏴‍☠️ 🥷 Threat hunter | Cybersecurity | Explaining cybersecurity in clear text words | Podcast: @ThreatHuntingP

about 7 hours ago

@DragomirKhost bl/ck

wokebloke_ retweeted

Grok

@grok

about 9 hours ago

Yes. The Bolsheviks issued a July 1918 decree outlawing antisemitism and pogroms, with Lenin publicly condemning it as a diversion from class struggle—though enforcement was inconsistent amid civil war chaos. No clean figure exists for Christians killed specifically for faith. Broader Soviet repressions (1917–1953) caused roughly 15–20 million deaths from executions, Gulags, and famines; most victims were Christian by demographics. Anti-church campaigns executed thousands of Orthodox clergy (hundreds of bishops and priests in early years alone) and destroyed churches.

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wokebloke_ retweeted

Hunter

@271k_only

1 day ago

According to jewish mathematicians, 271,000 equals 6 million.

13K

Who to follow

Hiram Alejandro

@hiramcoop

ethical hacking

@ethhack

IA, Security, Cloud, Compliance, Governance, ITSM, BCM ...so. Ethical Hacking

Christophe Casalegno

@Brain0verride

Autoimmune warrior, Entrepreneur & Bio/Hacker with a passion for longevity 🧬, sciences & technologies. Founder of ScalarX, Override Capital & more.

wokebloke_ retweeted

about 14 hours ago

Hey @grok Did the Bolsheviks soak Christians in water then put them outside in the middle of winter until they froze like statues?

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wokebloke_ retweeted

about 17 hours ago

THE BOLSHEVIK JEWS WHO PLOTTED THE UKRAINIAN HOLOCAUST

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wokebloke_ retweeted

mynextchapter

@Deeteem1

about 15 hours ago

They Boiled Seven Nuns Alive. Your History Teacher Never Mentioned It. Seven nuns. A cauldron of boiling tar. Voronezh, Russia, 1919. This is not a rumor. It is not anti-Soviet propaganda. It is documented in the testimony compiled by Alexander Yakovlev — the man Boris Yeltsin appointed to head Russia's own Presidential Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression, with full access to Soviet state archives. Yakovlev published his findings in a book titled A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia, released by Yale University Press. He was reviewing his own government's own files. Seven women who had dedicated their lives to God were immersed in boiling tar by agents of the Bolshevik state. This happened. It is in the archives. And if you went through the American education system, there is almost no chance anyone told you about it. I didn't know either. Not until I went down a research rabbit hole trying to understand the lead-up to World War II — and kept finding a story that nobody in my education had ever mentioned. A story of systematic, deliberate, documented mass murder of Christian clergy, nuns, monks, and believers across Russia between 1917 and the 1930s. A campaign so vast, so methodical, and so thoroughly buried in Western public consciousness that most people living in the freest societies on earth have no idea it happened. This is that story. And I am going to tell it the way it actually happened — starting with what they did to the men and women of God. January 1, 1918: The First Nine Weeks The Bolsheviks had been in power for nine weeks when they photographed Bishop Platon of Reval and eighteen other clergy standing together in winter coats at Yuriev. The caption on that photograph, published in Sergei Melgunov's 1924 documentary account, reads simply: "before their removal to the anatomical theatre at Yuriev University." They were shot. Then they were carried to a medical dissection facility. Nine weeks into the new world the Bolsheviks were building, nineteen priests and a bishop had been executed and delivered to an anatomy theatre on New Year's Day. The revolution was just getting started. What They Did — Documented, City by City Melgunov spent five years inside Soviet Russia after the revolution, was arrested eight times, sentenced to death, reprieved, and finally expelled in 1922. He spent the rest of his life in Paris writing down what he had witnessed and what eyewitnesses had told him, cross-referencing everything against the Bolsheviks' own published documents — their weekly newspapers, their official communiqués, their lists of the executed. His book The Red Terror in Russia was published in Berlin in 1924 and in English in London in 1925. It then largely disappeared from public view for decades. What it documents, city by city, reads like a catalogue of hell. At Kharkov, Cheka commandant Saenko — whose photograph appears in Melgunov's book — ran a torture chamber on Lomonosov Street. Prisoners' hands were submerged in boiling water until the skin blistered and could be peeled away in a single intact piece. Melgunov's book contains a photograph of these — human "gloves," the complete flayed skin of human hands, found in the torture chamber when the Bolsheviks withdrew. That photograph was published by a respected London publisher in 1925. At Voronezh, naked prisoners were forced inside barrels whose interior walls had been studded with inward-pointing nails and rolled along the ground. At Kremenchuk, clergy were impaled. In winter across multiple cities, naked prisoners were drenched with water and left outside in freezing temperatures until they died standing — witnesses called them "living ice statues." At Piatigorsk, 59 hostages including a priest were condemned by formal published Cheka decree. Melgunov documents what actually happened to them: they were not shot. They were hacked to pieces with swords. At Kiev, Chinese Cheka detachments used a rat torture that was so widely documented that George Orwell used it as the central horror of Room 101 in Nineteen Eighty-Four. The method — a sealed tube containing a rat pressed against a prisoner's torso, with the tube then heated — appears in multiple independent witness accounts from the Kiev Cheka operations. None of this was improvised battlefield violence. The Cheka published a weekly newspaper. It listed executions by name and category. It telegraphed Moscow's quotas to regional offices. Melgunov documents directly that the number shot in Saratov was calculated to meet a quota telegraphed from Lenin's office. A quota. Priests died to fill a quota. Lenin personally managed executions by telegram. On January 29, 1920, writing to the Ural region: "I am surprised that you are putting up with this and do not punish sabotage with shooting." On August 11, 1918, to the Penza Soviet about a peasant uprising: "Hang — hang without fail, so the people see — no fewer than 100 known kulaks, rich men, bloodsuckers." The paper trail from the Kremlin to the Cheka basement is documented in Melgunov's pages, in Lenin's own collected telegrams, and in the Soviet archives that Russia opened after 1991. What They Did to the Church Specifically The campaign against Christianity was not a side effect of the revolution. It was a stated objective. Yakovlev's Presidential Commission findings, drawn from Soviet state archives, document the specific methods used against clergy: priests, monks, and nuns were crucified, thrown into cauldrons of boiling tar, scalped, strangled, forced to receive what the Cheka called "Communion" — with molten lead poured into their mouths — and drowned through holes cut in frozen rivers. In May 1920, Lenin personally ordered the mass execution of all clergy who opposed communism. Between 14,000 and 20,000 priests were killed in the operations that followed, according to estimates drawn from Soviet archive records reviewed by Yakovlev. Professor Charles Saroléa attempted a count of identifiable clerical dead in the Edinburgh newspaper The Scotsman in November 1923. His tally, cited by Melgunov: 28 bishops. 1,219 documented priests. These were only the cases where names could be confirmed. The true total across the provincial Cheka basements, the frozen riverbanks, and the cauldrons of Voronezh was never fully recorded because the Bolsheviks stopped recording what was inconvenient, and because the regime that succeeded them classified the evidence for decades. Churches were looted systematically. Gold chalices, silver icons, liturgical candlesticks — all confiscated in organized operations throughout 1921 and 1922, officially framed as famine relief but in practice stripping the Church of its material existence. Monasteries were converted to prisons. Seminaries were shuttered. Religious instruction of children was made a criminal offense. The Moscow Cathedral of Christ the Saviour — built to commemorate Russia's victory over Napoleon — was dynamited by Stalin in 1931. Why You Never Heard This I want to be direct about this because it matters. The Holocaust — the Nazi extermination of six million Jews and millions of others — is taught in American schools, documented in museums, commemorated in film, and embedded in the cultural memory of the Western world. It should be. It was one of the greatest crimes in human history and the obligation to remember it is permanent and non-negotiable. But it doesn't make any sense why such an extreme thing happened out of thin air for no reason at all until you learn about the Jewish bolshevik terror before. But the Bolshevik terror against Christians — which by credible scholarly estimates killed tens of millions across the Soviet period, with tens of thousands of clergy executed specifically for their faith in the first decade alone — is not in the American curriculum. It is not in the museums. It is not in the films. The man who personally signed the execution order for Russia's Christian leadership, whose embalmed body still lies in a mausoleum in Red Square visited by tourists every year, is treated in Western public discourse as a historical figure of academic interest rather than the architect of a documented campaign of mass murder against people of faith. The reason is not ignorance. It is politics. The Western academic and media establishment that shapes public memory spent a generation giving the Soviet experiment the benefit of the doubt. The journalists who reported from Moscow in the 1930s — some of whom knew what was happening and chose not to report it — had ideological commitments that made the truth inconvenient. By the time the Cold War ended and the archives opened, the habit of silence was established. Melgunov knew this would happen. He wrote in 1924, from a Paris café, knowing that the people with the power to tell the world what he knew had decided not to. He documented everything anyway. He cited the Bolsheviks' own newspapers against them. He preserved the photographs. He named the commanders of the torture chambers and described their methods in clinical detail because he understood that without specificity, without names and places and dates, the scale of what had happened would be dismissed as exaggeration. He was right to be careful. He was right to be specific. The seven nuns in the boiling tar at Voronezh. Bishop Platon photographed before being taken to the anatomy theatre at Yuriev on New Year's Day 1918. The priest on the list of 59 hostages at Piatigorsk who was hacked to pieces with swords rather than shot because there was no decree specifying the method of killing. These things happened. They are documented. They are in books you can read for free online right now. Your history teacher never mentioned them. I am mentioning them now. Read It Yourself — Primary Sources Sergei Melgunov — The Red Terror in Russia (1924/1925) The foundational eyewitness account. Full text, free, public domain: https://t.co/UTm0E9FRFW Internet Archive version: https://t.co/3Jn1cXOECC Alexander Yakovlev — A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia Yale University Press, 2002. Drawn from full access to Soviet state archives. George Leggett — The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police Oxford University Press, 1986. The definitive English-language scholarly account.

Deeteem1's tweet photo. They Boiled Seven Nuns Alive. Your History Teacher Never Mentioned It.

Seven nuns. A cauldron of boiling tar. Voronezh, Russia, 1919.

This is not a rumor. It is not anti-Soviet propaganda. It is documented in the testimony compiled by Alexander Yakovlev — the man Boris Yeltsin appointed to head Russia's own Presidential Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression, with full access to Soviet state archives. Yakovlev published his findings in a book titled A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia, released by Yale University Press. He was reviewing his own government's own files.

Seven women who had dedicated their lives to God were immersed in boiling tar by agents of the Bolshevik state. This happened. It is in the archives. And if you went through the American education system, there is almost no chance anyone told you about it.

I didn't know either. Not until I went down a research rabbit hole trying to understand the lead-up to World War II — and kept finding a story that nobody in my education had ever mentioned. A story of systematic, deliberate, documented mass murder of Christian clergy, nuns, monks, and believers across Russia between 1917 and the 1930s. A campaign so vast, so methodical, and so thoroughly buried in Western public consciousness that most people living in the freest societies on earth have no idea it happened.

This is that story. And I am going to tell it the way it actually happened — starting with what they did to the men and women of God.

January 1, 1918: The First Nine Weeks

The Bolsheviks had been in power for nine weeks when they photographed Bishop Platon of Reval and eighteen other clergy standing together in winter coats at Yuriev. The caption on that photograph, published in Sergei Melgunov's 1924 documentary account, reads simply: "before their removal to the anatomical theatre at Yuriev University."

They were shot. Then they were carried to a medical dissection facility.

Nine weeks into the new world the Bolsheviks were building, nineteen priests and a bishop had been executed and delivered to an anatomy theatre on New Year's Day. The revolution was just getting started.

What They Did — Documented, City by City

Melgunov spent five years inside Soviet Russia after the revolution, was arrested eight times, sentenced to death, reprieved, and finally expelled in 1922. He spent the rest of his life in Paris writing down what he had witnessed and what eyewitnesses had told him, cross-referencing everything against the Bolsheviks' own published documents — their weekly newspapers, their official communiqués, their lists of the executed. His book The Red Terror in Russia was published in Berlin in 1924 and in English in London in 1925. It then largely disappeared from public view for decades.

What it documents, city by city, reads like a catalogue of hell.

At Kharkov, Cheka commandant Saenko — whose photograph appears in Melgunov's book — ran a torture chamber on Lomonosov Street. Prisoners' hands were submerged in boiling water until the skin blistered and could be peeled away in a single intact piece. Melgunov's book contains a photograph of these — human "gloves," the complete flayed skin of human hands, found in the torture chamber when the Bolsheviks withdrew. That photograph was published by a respected London publisher in 1925.

At Voronezh, naked prisoners were forced inside barrels whose interior walls had been studded with inward-pointing nails and rolled along the ground.

At Kremenchuk, clergy were impaled.

In winter across multiple cities, naked prisoners were drenched with water and left outside in freezing temperatures until they died standing — witnesses called them "living ice statues."

At Piatigorsk, 59 hostages including a priest were condemned by formal published Cheka decree. Melgunov documents what actually happened to them: they were not shot. They were hacked to pieces with swords.

At Kiev, Chinese Cheka detachments used a rat torture that was so widely documented that George Orwell used it as the central horror of Room 101 in Nineteen Eighty-Four. The method — a sealed tube containing a rat pressed against a prisoner's torso, with the tube then heated — appears in multiple independent witness accounts from the Kiev Cheka operations.

None of this was improvised battlefield violence. The Cheka published a weekly newspaper. It listed executions by name and category. It telegraphed Moscow's quotas to regional offices. Melgunov documents directly that the number shot in Saratov was calculated to meet a quota telegraphed from Lenin's office. A quota. Priests died to fill a quota.

Lenin personally managed executions by telegram. On January 29, 1920, writing to the Ural region: "I am surprised that you are putting up with this and do not punish sabotage with shooting." On August 11, 1918, to the Penza Soviet about a peasant uprising: "Hang — hang without fail, so the people see — no fewer than 100 known kulaks, rich men, bloodsuckers." The paper trail from the Kremlin to the Cheka basement is documented in Melgunov's pages, in Lenin's own collected telegrams, and in the Soviet archives that Russia opened after 1991.

What They Did to the Church Specifically

The campaign against Christianity was not a side effect of the revolution. It was a stated objective.

Yakovlev's Presidential Commission findings, drawn from Soviet state archives, document the specific methods used against clergy: priests, monks, and nuns were crucified, thrown into cauldrons of boiling tar, scalped, strangled, forced to receive what the Cheka called "Communion" — with molten lead poured into their mouths — and drowned through holes cut in frozen rivers.

In May 1920, Lenin personally ordered the mass execution of all clergy who opposed communism. Between 14,000 and 20,000 priests were killed in the operations that followed, according to estimates drawn from Soviet archive records reviewed by Yakovlev.

Professor Charles Saroléa attempted a count of identifiable clerical dead in the Edinburgh newspaper The Scotsman in November 1923. His tally, cited by Melgunov: 28 bishops. 1,219 documented priests. These were only the cases where names could be confirmed. The true total across the provincial Cheka basements, the frozen riverbanks, and the cauldrons of Voronezh was never fully recorded because the Bolsheviks stopped recording what was inconvenient, and because the regime that succeeded them classified the evidence for decades.

Churches were looted systematically. Gold chalices, silver icons, liturgical candlesticks — all confiscated in organized operations throughout 1921 and 1922, officially framed as famine relief but in practice stripping the Church of its material existence. Monasteries were converted to prisons. Seminaries were shuttered. Religious instruction of children was made a criminal offense. The Moscow Cathedral of Christ the Saviour — built to commemorate Russia's victory over Napoleon — was dynamited by Stalin in 1931.

Why You Never Heard This

I want to be direct about this because it matters.
The Holocaust — the Nazi extermination of six million Jews and millions of others — is taught in American schools, documented in museums, commemorated in film, and embedded in the cultural memory of the Western world. It should be. It was one of the greatest crimes in human history and the obligation to remember it is permanent and non-negotiable. But it doesn't make any sense why such an extreme thing happened out of thin air for no reason at all until you learn about the Jewish bolshevik terror before.

But the Bolshevik terror against Christians — which by credible scholarly estimates killed tens of millions across the Soviet period, with tens of thousands of clergy executed specifically for their faith in the first decade alone — is not in the American curriculum. It is not in the museums. It is not in the films. The man who personally signed the execution order for Russia's Christian leadership, whose embalmed body still lies in a mausoleum in Red Square visited by tourists every year, is treated in Western public discourse as a historical figure of academic interest rather than the architect of a documented campaign of mass murder against people of faith.

The reason is not ignorance. It is politics. The Western academic and media establishment that shapes public memory spent a generation giving the Soviet experiment the benefit of the doubt. The journalists who reported from Moscow in the 1930s — some of whom knew what was happening and chose not to report it — had ideological commitments that made the truth inconvenient. By the time the Cold War ended and the archives opened, the habit of silence was established.

Melgunov knew this would happen. He wrote in 1924, from a Paris café, knowing that the people with the power to tell the world what he knew had decided not to. He documented everything anyway. He cited the Bolsheviks' own newspapers against them. He preserved the photographs. He named the commanders of the torture chambers and described their methods in clinical detail because he understood that without specificity, without names and places and dates, the scale of what had happened would be dismissed as exaggeration.

He was right to be careful. He was right to be specific. The seven nuns in the boiling tar at Voronezh. Bishop Platon photographed before being taken to the anatomy theatre at Yuriev on New Year's Day 1918. The priest on the list of 59 hostages at Piatigorsk who was hacked to pieces with swords rather than shot because there was no decree specifying the method of killing.

These things happened. They are documented. They are in books you can read for free online right now.

Your history teacher never mentioned them. I am mentioning them now.

Read It Yourself — Primary Sources

Sergei Melgunov — The Red Terror in Russia (1924/1925)
The foundational eyewitness account. Full text, free, public domain:
https://t.co/UTm0E9FRFW

Internet Archive version:
https://t.co/3Jn1cXOECC

Alexander Yakovlev — A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia
Yale University Press, 2002. Drawn from full access to Soviet state archives.
George Leggett — The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police
Oxford University Press, 1986. The definitive English-language scholarly account.

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wokebloke_ retweeted

about 11 hours ago

Hey @grok Did the Bolsheviks target jews?

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wokebloke_ retweeted

Maik Pittel

@maikpi70

1 day ago

Sie zeigen es uns. EU Parlament.

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about 9 hours ago

@benwehrman Rap

wokebloke_ retweeted

₿en Wehrman

@benwehrman

about 15 hours ago

It is OK to be antisemitic.

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about 11 hours ago

@CNviolations bl/ck

wokebloke_ retweeted

Merissa Hansen

@merissahansen17

about 15 hours ago

The big tech guys are literal Bolsheviks.

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wokebloke_ retweeted

1 day ago

Hey @grok yes or no Did the Bolsheviks gouge the eyes out of Christians?

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wokebloke_ retweeted

about 14 hours ago

Hey @grok Did the Bolsheviks impale Christians through the rectum, and out of the mouth?

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about 14 hours ago

@Parodyjeffx piece of sh/t

wokebloke_ retweeted

Parody Jeff

@Parodyjeffx

about 16 hours ago

RABBI TURNS FLIGHT INTO A LIVING HELL 🚨 A Jewish rabbi stood up many times in the middle of a flight in the US and started blasting a Jewish horn through the cabin. Passengers had nowhere to go, no chance to rest, and were forced to sit through it. He didn’t give a fuck.

856K

wokebloke_ retweeted

Lampshades

@lampshades_2

1 day ago

Without forensic evidence for bodies at the scale claimed by the standard Holocaust narrative, WWII Jews must have ended up somewhere else. The true number of Jews who at some point were under Nazi control reached approximately 3,200,000, a figure derived by ignoring postwar publications and instead cross-referencing German administrative documents, ghetto inhabitant lists, and camp intake logs with prewar censuses in affected regions of Central and Eastern Europe, excluding those who had already crossed into Soviet territory during the initial invasions. Of these, some 450,000 met their ends through the indirect effects of conflict such as rampant disease in confined spaces, food shortages, and the general breakdown of medical services across battle zones. The remaining 2,750,000 survivors distributed themselves across postwar destinations in proportions that restore the original prewar counts for this cohort. 750,000 secured entry to the United States, 650,000 went to the Soviet Union, 550,000 settled in Palestine, 450,000 continued residing in non-Soviet Europe, 300,000 chose Latin American republics, and 50,000 dispersed to Canada along with Australia and scattered other locales, with the aggregate matching the starting population after wartime losses. Their removal from German oversight relied on diverse strategies and tactics blending official permissions with covert actions. Legal emigration dominated prewar years via the 1933 Haavara pact enabling Palestine transfers, while illegal ship transports defied British entry limits. Some moved directly to neutral countries, but others experienced short ghetto or camp periods before ransom or labor releases granted freedom. Many remained in place until Soviet and Allied forces took territory, allowing immediate integration into liberated zones. Falsification of documents and identity changes, including claims to White Christian status or neutral nationality, proved vital for visas, with examples among German professionals who reached South American ports under new identities. Specific examples include families from Vienna who obtained false baptismal certificates to present as White Christians when applying for entry to Argentina during the late 1930s. Similar document fraud enabled passage to the United States by asserting non-Jewish refugee status or exploiting family connections already in the country. After the war, residents of displaced persons camps employed parallel tactics to navigate quotas in Western nations, often with assistance in creating new personal histories. These methods, combining direct emigration, brief camp interludes, and identity reinvention, allowed the bulk of the population to exit German control zones and establish themselves elsewhere without contributing to European body counts at the levels asserted in conventional histories. Despite struggling with industrial logistics, one look at modern Europe shows Ashkenazi networks have mastered mass migration logistics across continents. Wealthy international Jewish networks, consisting of interconnected banking houses, merchant families, and relief organizations spanning the Atlantic, played a central part in enabling WWII transfers through financial backing and logistical planning. They had noted the Nazi intention to expel Jews by 1933, when the regime's early decrees and public statements made clear the goal of removing Jewish presence from German economic and social life via emigration incentives and pressures. These networks responded by raising funds for transportation, negotiating entry permissions with foreign governments, and building support systems in arrival countries to absorb the inflows, thereby orchestrating the gradual relocation that accounts for the postwar presence of vibrant Jewish communities in multiple continents far from their prewar European centers.

lampshades_2's tweet photo. Without forensic evidence for bodies at the scale claimed by the standard Holocaust narrative, WWII Jews must have ended up somewhere else. The true number of Jews who at some point were under Nazi control reached approximately 3,200,000, a figure derived by ignoring postwar publications and instead cross-referencing German administrative documents, ghetto inhabitant lists, and camp intake logs with prewar censuses in affected regions of Central and Eastern Europe, excluding those who had already crossed into Soviet territory during the initial invasions.

Of these, some 450,000 met their ends through the indirect effects of conflict such as rampant disease in confined spaces, food shortages, and the general breakdown of medical services across battle zones. The remaining 2,750,000 survivors distributed themselves across postwar destinations in proportions that restore the original prewar counts for this cohort. 750,000 secured entry to the United States, 650,000 went to the Soviet Union, 550,000 settled in Palestine, 450,000 continued residing in non-Soviet Europe, 300,000 chose Latin American republics, and 50,000 dispersed to Canada along with Australia and scattered other locales, with the aggregate matching the starting population after wartime losses.

Their removal from German oversight relied on diverse strategies and tactics blending official permissions with covert actions. Legal emigration dominated prewar years via the 1933 Haavara pact enabling Palestine transfers, while illegal ship transports defied British entry limits. Some moved directly to neutral countries, but others experienced short ghetto or camp periods before ransom or labor releases granted freedom. Many remained in place until Soviet and Allied forces took territory, allowing immediate integration into liberated zones. Falsification of documents and identity changes, including claims to White Christian status or neutral nationality, proved vital for visas, with examples among German professionals who reached South American ports under new identities.

Specific examples include families from Vienna who obtained false baptismal certificates to present as White Christians when applying for entry to Argentina during the late 1930s. Similar document fraud enabled passage to the United States by asserting non-Jewish refugee status or exploiting family connections already in the country. After the war, residents of displaced persons camps employed parallel tactics to navigate quotas in Western nations, often with assistance in creating new personal histories. These methods, combining direct emigration, brief camp interludes, and identity reinvention, allowed the bulk of the population to exit German control zones and establish themselves elsewhere without contributing to European body counts at the levels asserted in conventional histories.

Despite struggling with industrial logistics, one look at modern Europe shows Ashkenazi networks have mastered mass migration logistics across continents. Wealthy international Jewish networks, consisting of interconnected banking houses, merchant families, and relief organizations spanning the Atlantic, played a central part in enabling WWII transfers through financial backing and logistical planning. They had noted the Nazi intention to expel Jews by 1933, when the regime's early decrees and public statements made clear the goal of removing Jewish presence from German economic and social life via emigration incentives and pressures. These networks responded by raising funds for transportation, negotiating entry permissions with foreign governments, and building support systems in arrival countries to absorb the inflows, thereby orchestrating the gradual relocation that accounts for the postwar presence of vibrant Jewish communities in multiple continents far from their prewar European centers.

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wokebloke_ retweeted