Nininahazwe

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

@uginm102 This Hemuke's fault, that fat fck

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

@GloryofMufasa Hmm he's interesting sometimes. You say provide examples, then they do and now its specifically Stanford examples, do you want credentials or not.

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

@Q0000008888 @KatsonHaggai They are damned if they stay and damned if they don't

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

His mother's 'mistakes (that you're so aware of but then say the dad was silent) are not anywhere bigger than the behavior of the dad in their home (that the mother has made known). That degeneracy was learnt from the dad and his brothers, they've been a degenerate

[Atukunda Haggai Katson @KatsonHaggai]

Daniella ruined the lives of that Man's kids. She was too selfish. Him staying silent was the best thing ever. Now she's raising a degenerate, lost man . Women can love their sons as much as they want. They will never ever teach them how to become men. Hope Jose can help him.

[Chetuya Chinagolum @Chetuyachinago]

At this stage in our historical awakening, we as Africans must immediately stop referring to the 1994 Rwandan genocide as merely an "ancient tribal war."

First of all, this narrative is historically inaccurate and criminally misleading.
The Hutus and Tutsis are not two different ethnic tribes: they belong to the exact same cultural group, speak the exact same language, inhabit the exact same geographic regions, practice the exact same spiritual religions, observe the exact same traditions, and have historically intermarried for centuries.

The historical distinction between a Hutu and a Tutsi was strictly a matter of economic class, perfectly analogous to the difference between a wealthy, cattle-owning Alhaji and a landless agricultural worker in Northern Nigeria. "Tutsi" was originally nothing more than a social title assigned to those who owned herds of cattle, held land rights, and controlled the local means of production, while "Hutu" simply referred to agrarian farmers, subsistence cultivators, and manual laborers. This class distinction was fluid rather than permanent: a wealthy Hutu who accumulated significant cattle and land through social mobility automatically underwent the cultural process of Kwihutura and became a Tutsi, while an impoverished Tutsi who lost his livestock and wealth tumbled down the social ladder to become a Hutu.

Even with these fluid class distinctions, Hutus and Tutsis lived harmoniously, coexisted peacefully, and continuously intermarried across generations.

But when German and subsequently Belgian imperialists invaded Rwanda, their colonial minds could not comprehend how a sophisticated Black African civilization could construct such an organized, highly structured, and centralized kingdom. To explain away this African achievement, they introduced the pseudoscientific "Hamitic Hypothesis."
They brainwashed the Tutsi elites into believing they were not purely Black Africans, but rather superior Cushitic descendants of Europe with lighter skin, refined features, and natural intelligence, while characterizing the Hutus as typical "Bantu Africans" who were allegedly shorter, darker, less intelligent, and suited only for backbreaking manual labor. The Belgian colonizers did not merely preach this racist theory: they constructed their entire colonial administration around it.

In 1933, the Belgians issued mandatory ethnic identity cards, permanently freezing what was once a fluid economic class into rigid, unchangeable racial categories. This myth was systematically taught in Catholic mission schools, where generations of Tutsi children were brainwashed into believing they were natural-born aristocrats destined to govern, while Hutu children were conditioned to believe they were born to be exploited laborers. Naturally, this divide-and-rule strategy perfectly served the extraction interests of the European masters, as Hutus performed unpaid forced labor in the coffee fields while Tutsis served as intermediate colonial overseers, ensuring that raw agricultural wealth flowed seamlessly to Western metropoles.

The fundamental problem for the colonizers, however, arose when the educated Tutsi elite, utilizing their Western education, began developing anti-colonial consciousness, organizing political parties, and fiercely demanding immediate national independence. Deeply threatened by this nationalist defiance, the Belgian colonial administration and the Catholic Church executed a sudden, cynical, and hypocritical geopolitical pivot. They completely abandoned the Tutsi monarchy and shifted their total support to the Hutu majority. Overnight, the colonial narrative was inverted: instead of being praised as "superior civilizers," Tutsis were suddenly re-framed as alien "foreign invaders" and feudal parasites who had brutally oppressed the "indigenous" Hutus for centuries. During the 1959 to 1962 transition to independence, Belgian military officers actively assisted Hutu political elites in seizing power, orchestrating widespread political violence, burning Tutsi villages, and driving hundreds of thousands of Tutsis into permanent exile.

For nearly 30 years, these Tutsi refugees languished in border camps across Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, and Zaire (now the DRC). In the early 1980s, young Tutsi refugees who grew up in Ugandan camps, most notably Fred Rwigyema and Paul Kagame, joined the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebel movement led by Yoweri Museveni. They gained extensive, high-level combat experience, intelligence training, and tactical mastery while helping Museveni overthrow the Ugandan government and capture power in 1986. Leveraging these formidable military skills, these seasoned exile fighters formed their own revolutionary movement in 1987: the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). In October 1990, the RPF launched a highly organized, full-scale military invasion into northern Rwanda from Uganda to demand their non-negotiable right of return, political representation, and an end to state-sponsored discrimination.

At this critical juncture, while Belgium had originally planted the seeds of division, French imperialism moved aggressively into the center of the picture. The French government, under François Mitterrand, viewed the English-speaking, Uganda-backed RPF as a dangerous "Anglo-Saxon" geopolitical conspiracy designed to strip France of its neocolonial sphere of influence in Francophone.
French officials viewed Juvénal Habyarimana's dictatorial Hutu regime as a vital, submissive client state that had to be defended at all costs. To this end, the French-backed government in Kigali launched a massive, state-directed propaganda campaign, labeling the invading RPF not as freedom fighters coming to end Western imperialism, but as alien invaders, while branding all Tutsis living inside Rwanda as a treacherous "fifth column" and a security threat that had to be eliminated.

But state propaganda alone was not enough to execute a mass slaughter. French military officers, intelligence advisers, and specialized troops directly armed, equipped, and trained the notorious Interahamwe death-squad militias. Between 1990 and 1994, the French government poured millions of dollars in military aid, heavy artillery, intelligence telemetry, and endless shipments of ammunition into the Rwandan military, actively enabling the regime to organize, prepare, and execute the 1994 genocide while attempting to stall the advancing RPF.

So, it was absolutely never an "ancient tribal war." That dishonest, racist narrative was deliberately constructed by European powers and American diplomats as a cynical geopolitical weapon to evade international law.
Under Article 1 of the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, all signatory nations (including the US, France, Great Britain, and Belgium) are strictly, legally obligated to intervene, deploy troops, and spend resources to stop a genocide the moment it is officially recognized as such. If Western powers had officially acknowledged the 1994 slaughter as a state-organized, French-backed genocide, they would have been legally compelled to intervene, risk their own soldiers' lives, and expose their own complicity. To escape this binding legal obligation, Western governments, the US State Department, and the United Nations executed a masterclass in bureaucratic gaslighting. The US State Department explicitly instructed its diplomats, press secretaries, and spokespeople in 1994 to avoid using the word "genocide" on the record, demanding they use sanitized phrases like "acts of genocide," "ethnic clashes," or "widespread civil violence." Western media outlets simultaneously framed the systematic, state-executed slaughter of over 800,000 human beings as an "uncontrollable explosion of primitive, tribal hatreds" or a chaotic, senseless African civil war.

In mid-July 1994, the French-backed Hutu regime was decisively defeated, and the capital city of Kigali was captured by Paul Kagame's disciplined RPF forces. Upon taking power, the new RPF government immediately, permanently abolished the colonial ethnic identity cards and outlawed all public categorization by "Hutu," "Tutsi," or "Twa." Under strict new laws, weaponizing ethnic divisionism or publicly framing political, economic, or social issues around tribal identities was made strictly illegal. Under the visionary and institutionalized leadership of Paul Kagame, Rwanda completely rebuilt its shattered infrastructure, eradicated administrative corruption, revolutionized public healthcare, modernized its cities, and transformed itself into one of Africa's fastest-growing economies, cleanest societies, and safest, most technologically sovereign nations.

[Denis Kusaasira @DenisKusaasira]

@FERDINANDIUS Let this young girl apply to LDC for re-allocation to ABMAK for clerkship if she is interested.

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

The things you people do for simple money, and then you think you're so tough. All those missing, in prison and in exile have more integrity in their little fingers than in your entire self.

[Madam CEO 🇺🇬 @JackieAkampwera]

@kimsalim99 @FredShaka Naye abaana bo Aba principle where are they in the struggle? While others are in prisons and missing, others are in USA enjoying their freedom!

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

Money can't buy you people any respect from people, that you badly want, because you aren't respectable before and you've never been. Deal with it but don't gaslight. You aren't better than Semujju Nganda

[Aine Kaguta Godfrey Sodo @SodoKaguta]

I have repeatedly read from different fora and, most recently, watched a clip from Hon. Ssemujju Nganda on how, sijui, Mzee Museveni appoints his family members such as the wife as Minister, Gen. Saleh to OWC, his son as CDF, Hon. Shartsi Kuteesa and Hon. Alice Kaboyo as Ministers etc., etc., to public offices and I have always wanted to say this.

HEAR ME OUT; why is it that nobody questioned when Mzee Amos Kaguta’s sons were in the bush fighting for this nation’s freedom? Nobody cared when Gen. Salim Saleh had bullets go through his body while liberating this country? Nobody questioned when Gen. Muhoozi served his nation in Garamba, Somalia +++.

My fellow Ugandans, why should being the President’s wife, brother, son, or relative disqualify a Ugandan from serving their own nation?

Isn’t that clear double standards? Should we say that their sacrifice was never a problem then but now that reward is involved offense takes precedence?

I must say this, President Museveni has a proven record of identifying, nurturing talent and bringing out the best in people. I’m curious if the eye that has spotted ability in countless Ugandans with no relation to him at all and elevated them to serve with him is the same eye that would go blind or biased the moment it looked at those close to it.

Anyway, enough of my rant.

Long live President Museveni!

Muraare gye.

[Aruaz finest violent 🩺💜 Queen👑 🇺🇬 🐼🌍 @BridJackline]

Muzee Amos Kaguta failed as a parent all he raised and left behind is very greedy and entitled lineage,but I doubt if he was like you pple. So I would ask where do u people learn this greed and entitlement as a family,You pple can take the country as well when you leave this wrld

[G Eazy's Mami @nabilahfatumah]

I don't like when such people talk to us

[RIO @seeka_brian]

I need a rematch with pure maths I was young

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

You need to seek real real help, Jesus

[Christine Nampeera💎 @nampeera_]

That’s Outa’s way of getting his audience’s attention… and I can see he achieved his goal ..

[Martha Ahumuza @MarthaAhumuza]

What makes Nameere so unsettling to the "elite" isn't that she's uncultured. It's that she's one of them. She had the same education, moved through the same institutions and had access to the same opportunities. There's a classist undertone to the way people react to her

[𝕾𝖎𝖗 𝕮𝖍𝖗𝖎𝖘 @eagleseyeinc]

in life, there are 2 types of people.

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

He also took quite enough

[Alan Kasujja @kasujja]

General Moses Ali gave Uganda everything.

His youth, his strength, and in the end, whatever was left of him.

He rose as a young soldier, strong and full of life, and served until his body simply couldn’t carry the uniform anymore.

He didn’t retire when his strength failed.

He stayed on.

That’s what true service to the fatherland looks like.

Rest now, General.

The watch is over.

[𝑨𝑫𝑬 ♡ @thee__adee]

“I’m a guy, you can’t be pressing my bum”

Do you want this relationship to work or not??

[faboolah @azninthesun]

the “you fucking the text man for texts” woman should win a nobel prize

[Nininahazwe @xrm_rmb]

How else would he have got to know the views of that Indian woman if it wasn't for the demonic feminism?

[W.E.B duGirlies 🇵🇸 🇸🇩 🇨🇩 @Komungaro3]

Imagine going to the “best law school in the world”, only for your world views to be shaped by some Canadian Indian woman? It was just two dumb bitches telling each other exactly, huh?

[COCO @TWOTIMESABITCH]

i once heard someone say “if there are 12 Nazis in a room and they ask you to have dinner with them and you agree, then there are 13 Nazis in that room” and i think a lot of people fundamentally don’t understand that. but it’s 100% true.