YM

💜💚 Si veo un 🐶 lo saludo. 🌮🕯#crybaby 💦 #frenchfriesbeforelies 🍟#professionaleyeroller 🙄

[YM @yoshmonroe]

Aquí los huevos, no son al gusto.

[Erika Velasco @Erika_Velasco_]

Esto debería ser un escándalo. Gloria Carolina Cházaro, primera mujer mexicana que comandó un buque de la Marina, denunció acoso sexual de su jefe, Rodolfo Torres Chávez. 4 meses después de presentar su denuncia se suicidó y a él lo ascendieron. Una investigación de @latinus_us.

[J Benjamín R. Ocampo @CEOSyA]

🚨 URGENTE: NIÑA DESAPARECIDA – AYÚDANOS A LOCALIZARLA 🚨
MARIA JOSE MARTINEZ RAMIREZ, 14 años (nacida 29-11-2011).
Desapareció el 15 de marzo de 2026 en Los Héroes, Tecamac, Estado de México.
Se reporta que posiblemente fue llevada en un auto. Su última ubicación de celular …

[Ruido en la Red @RuidoEnLaRed]

🫏💔 El proyecto Lolo Love #PorAmorAlBurro de @BajaBrewing, que protege a burros en peligro de extinción, denunció que quince burritos rescatados por un santuario en Los Cabos fueron robados y asesinados. Los animales desaparecieron de su zona de pastoreo y solo dos lograron volver, con heridas graves; veterinarios confirmaron que habían sido amarrados con alambre.

No eran ganado. Eran burritos rescatados, cuidados y con historia. Este caso vuelve a evidenciar una realidad dolorosa: en México los burros siguen siendo robados y sacrificados ilegalmente por su carne, sin una protección legal suficiente.

[Lucía Hernández | Amo La Ciencia @YoAmoaLaCiencia]

Tortuga laúd muere en Puerto Vallarta: fue golpeada por una embarcación turística

Una tortuga laúd (Dermochelys coriacea), especie en peligro crítico de extinción, murió el 26 de diciembre frente a la costa de Puerto Vallarta tras ser impactada por una embarcación turística.

El choque ocurrió a aproximadamente 50 metros de la costa, en una de las zonas turísticas más activas del municipio.

Donde operan recorridos de lanchas, embarcaciones recreativas, yates y motos acuáticas.

Fue una zona donde el tránsito marítimo debería estar estrictamente regulado.

La tortuga superaba los 2 metros de longitud y los 400 kilos de peso.

El ejemplar se encontraba en fase reproductiva activa.

La necropsia documentó más de 1,043 huevos en desarrollo, en tortugas marinas, la fecundación ocurre en el mar y las hembras se acercan a la costa cuando se preparan para anidar.

No eran huevos “potenciales”, la colisión interrumpió una reproducción ya iniciada y anuló varias nidadas futuras de una especie en peligro crítico de extinción.

El Ayuntamiento de Puerto Vallarta a cargo de Ernesto Munguía no ha explicado qué embarcaciones operaban en la zona, bajo qué permiso ni por qué no se detectó a tiempo a un animal de ese tamaño.

La PROFEPA, bajo la dirección de Mariana Boy, ni siquiera ha informado sobre la pérdida de este ejemplar a pesar de que intervino en la necropsia.

SEMARNAT, encabezada por Alicia Bárcena, no tiene un monitoreo efectivo de estos animales, no existe programa para su seguimiento o su protección.

¿Cuántas colisiones más se necesitan para reconocer que no existe control real de embarcaciones turísticas?

¿Quién supervisa hoy la velocidad, las rutas y los permisos en una de las bahías más explotadas del país?

¿La protección de especies en peligro crítico es prioridad o un tema secundario frente al negocio del turismo?

En especies como la tortuga laúd, matar a una hembra adulta no es perder un solo animal: es borrar generaciones enteras.

Pasó meses en el mar, cruzó miles de kilómetros para anidar y murió en México.

[Sabueson @Sabueson]

Tribilín, un burrito rescatado, se robó el corazón de las redes al posar en lugares icónicos de la Ciudad de México.
iniciativa impulsada por el santuario Burrolandia, hogar de más de 80 burritos salvados del maltrato y el abandono,

📷: @Burrolandia_mx

[Libriscent @libriscent]

Avoidant people are so funny.
“Hey, I know I did a weird, mean thing that hurt your feelings but you telling me about it actually hurts MY feelings and because I am incapable of holding any emotional space in my body, I’m going to somehow make it your problem. Have a nice life, bye.”

[JORGE BECERRIL JB/8 @MrElDiablo8]

Así fue como se metieron en la madrugada, al "Refugio Franciscano" y desalojaron a todo su personal, los más de mil cien perros y gatos están en el interior, sin alimento y sin cuidado; ¿las autoridades golpearán y sacrificarán a los perros?
@ClaraBrugadaM
@FiscaliaCDMX
@SSC_CDMX
@BerthaAlcalde
@PabloVazC
¿Que pasará?

#Vídeo 📹👇🏼

[Echo 🔆 @TheEcho13]

A lot of men mistake simple adulthood for criticism. She’s not asking for perfection, she’s asking you to do what functioning adults do without a fight.

Putting laundry in the hamper isn’t a character assassination. Communicating isn’t a personal attack. Showing up for your kids isn’t an award-winning performance. If doing the basics feels like nagging, the problem isn’t her tone. It’s your resistance to responsibility.

[Echo 🔆 @TheEcho13]

A man who only wants a woman’s softness but refuses to hold her hard emotions isn’t a safe partner, he’s a selective admirer.

If she learns that her pain overwhelms him, she stops trusting him long before she stops loving him. The moment she has to suffer alone in the relationship, the relationship is already over.

[@soylaaltanera... @soylaalterna2]

😎

[Camillus @CamilusAugustus]

Tarde aprendí que en la vida profesional no se valora el trabajo sino el humo que se vende.

[💗 @ma1ybe]

Men are quick to say "Not all men."

Until...

- Their wife has a male best friend.
- Their girlfriend grabs lunch with a male coworker.
- A man starts chatting with their teenage daughter at the mall.
- They have a baby girl and suddenly see the world differently.

Then, all of a sudden, they know men. They know the risks. They know why women are cautious.

Funny how that works.

[໊ @cdoll]

manifesting a high paying low effort remote job

[Mascotas Coyoacán 🐾 @MascotaCoyoacan]

SE BUSCA a Pelusa, schnauzer extraviada el 22/10/25 en el Pueblo de La Candelaria, Coyoacán, CDMX.

Contacto al 5547605986

Por favor, compartan para que regrese a casa!

[💚La de RH 💜 @la_de_rh]

Tengo candidatos con dos maestrías, diplomados y años de experiencia en el extranjero y no se acercan a ganar los $175k mensuales.

Mira tú.

[Anonymous @YourAnonCentral]

This is Ricardo Salinas Pliego, Mexico’s oligarch, who has donated to Trump and is currently trying to overthrow the Mexican government to avoid paying taxes and a deeper money laundering investigation into his cartel tied casinos.

Ricardo Salinas Pliego is not simply a billionaire with media influence; he is an oligarch who has influenced policy behind the scenes for decades. He is one of the most powerful corporate actors in Mexico, a figure whose empire spans television, banking, telecommunications, retail finance, resource extraction, and gaming. Through Grupo Salinas, he controls TV Azteca, Banco Azteca, Elektra, and Totalplay, companies that give him unmatched reach into public opinion, credit markets, household consumption, and national infrastructure. His companies’ interests intersect directly with areas where federal regulation, tax enforcement, and anti-corruption policy have become more aggressive in recent years, creating friction between the oligarch and the current Sheinbaum government.

Salinas has faced significant legal scrutiny over the past two decades, both in Mexico and abroad. Notably, in 2005, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission accused him and TV Azteca of financial misconduct; this case was settled. Currently, in Mexico, tax disputes have intensified. Courts have ordered Grupo Elektra to pay billions of pesos in overdue liabilities, part of a broader federal effort to recover more than 63 billion pesos tied to his conglomerate. Mexican officials have openly accused Salinas of leveraging influence over the judiciary to obstruct payment. To date, no court has concluded that Salinas Pliego personally maintains direct ties to drug cartels. However, the casino investigations have tied his companies to criminal financial networks, raising questions about oversight, compliance, and exposure to cartel influence or collaboration.

The oligarch and the orange tyrant
Ricardo Salinas Pliego’s political reach extends far beyond Mexico’s borders. Over the past decade, he has cultivated ties with influential figures in the United States, particularly within the Republican Party and networks aligned with former President Donald Trump. A U.S. subsidiary of Grupo Salinas donated $250,000 to Trump’s 2017 presidential inauguration committee, placing him among a small circle of foreign-linked business interests that publicly supported the incoming administration. In the years that followed, a political action committee tied to his U.S. operations contributed to Trump’s re-election effort and more than $289,000 to Republican candidates and committees during the Trump presidency. Signaling a clear engagement with GOP power structures and Trump’s network of influence.

The overlap does not end with donations to the Trump campaign. Salinas Pliego has also surfaced in the corporate intelligence world, where his legal disputes have intersected with firms connected to Israeli intelligence. Reporting from Intelligence Online indicates that during a high-stakes financial conflict with businessman Val Sklarov, hiring Black Cube, a company founded by former members of Israel’s security services. Black Cube is already familiar in U.S. political circles. In 2017 and 2018, multiple investigations by major outlets revealed that aides to Donald Trump or actors aligned with his policy goals had contracted with Black Cube in connection with efforts to undermine the Iran nuclear agreement. The firm was reported to have targeted former Obama administration officials Ben Rhodes and Colin Kahl, looking for compromising personal or financial information that could be used to discredit them.

Several of Salinas’s public statements have echoed core Trump Republican messaging, including skepticism of state regulation, denunciations of “socialist” policies, and advocacy for market-driven reforms. During the Trump presidency, he publicly defended U.S. trade pressure on Mexico and praised Trump’s economic approach. His media and corporate messaging often mirror themes common in right-wing circles, emphasizing limited government oversight and hostility toward regulations that affect telecommunications, banking, and large-scale retail lending.

In 2025, Salinas launched a right-wing political initiative in Mexico that shared stylistic similarities with global far-right regressive movements tied to Russia, Israel, and Trump. His call for a citizen-led movement against “crime and corruption” drew heavily on the rhetoric of “taking back the country,” a phrase central to the former U.S. president’s political identity. While not publicly affiliated with any U.S. political organization, his messaging and political posture place him squarely within the ideological and influence orbit of contemporary regressive populism. Salinas’s corporate empire depends on a regulatory environment that favors private industry, helps him evade taxes, and limits federal regulations that protect ordinary people.

Taxing the oligarch: Mexico vs Corruption.
The long-running tax conflict between Ricardo Salinas Pliego and the Mexican government reached a decisive moment in 2025 under President Sheinbaum. After more than a decade of disputes, a federal tribunal in June ordered Grupo Elektra to pay 2,000 million pesos in overdue taxes, rejecting the company’s appeals and confirming the SAT’s assessment. Administrations before Claudia Sheinbaum had attempted to collect, but Salinas’s legal teams repeatedly stalled the process through appeals, constitutional protections (amparos), and challenges that kept the cases tied up in the courts. The standoff became a symbol of a broader problem in Mexico’s political economy: the difficulty of compelling untouchable oligarchs to comply with tax obligations that ordinary companies and citizens cannot escape. Salinas had long been seen as one of the most protected businessmen in the country, benefiting from political access and relationships that allowed him to delay or dilute enforcement efforts.

That changed under President Sheinbaum. Her administration inherited years of unresolved tax disputes involving Mexico’s largest corporate groups, but unlike previous governments, she treated these liabilities not as political bargaining chips but as a cornerstone of her anti-corruption platform. Unlike earlier governments, Sheinbaum entered office with a mandate to show she was not beholden to private power. Taking decisive action in a high-profile case involving one of the richest and most politically connected figures in the country gave her administration immediate credibility. Her administration strengthened the SAT’s litigation capacity, publicly backed regulators, and encouraged prosecutors to accelerate long-delayed cases. Sheinbaum’s government expanded audit protocols for large corporations, tightened rules governing public procurement, and introduced stricter oversight of federal contracts. She pushed for clearer reporting standards within government agencies, increased transparency requirements for public spending, and supported measures to limit influence peddling within regulatory bodies. Her administration also backed judicial reforms aimed at reducing the abuse of amparos that had historically allowed wealthy defendants to delay or nullify enforcement actions.

In June 2025, a federal tribunal issued a firm and final ruling ordering Grupo Elektra to pay 2,000 million pesos in overdue corporate taxes. The judges dismissed Elektra’s final set of appeals and upheld the SAT’s position that the liabilities were legally sound and long overdue. The court also determined that no further protections or procedural delays were justified, meaning Elektra was forced to pay immediately. The decision was unprecedented, not because of the amount but because of who it targeted. The courts signaled that they would no longer serve as a safety valve for corporate power, and SAT officials described the ruling as a watershed moment for fiscal sovereignty. It marked the first time in modern Mexican history that one of the country’s most powerful business empires was forced to comply with a major tax judgment after more than a decade of resistance.

This judgment represents only a fraction of what is at stake. According to SAT data, companies tied to Salinas Pliego collectively owe over 63,000 million pesos in accumulated liabilities, including corporate income taxes, penalties, and interest involving Elektra, TV Azteca, and other subsidiaries. These are among the largest corporate tax debts in the country.

For Sheinbaum, the ruling served two purposes. It demonstrated the government’s commitment to legal equality and undermined the perception that major businessmen could negotiate away their obligations. It also provided political momentum for her anti-corruption agenda, reinforcing public confidence in institutions that had long been viewed as deferential to economic elites.

For Salinas, the implications were immediate. The ruling weakened his perception of invulnerability and impunity, increased his financial exposure, and raised the prospect that the rest of his accumulated liabilities could soon be enforced with equal force. It also intensified the political conflict between his corporate empire and the federal government, contributing to his increasingly aggressive posture in the media and online political networks. The defeat significantly increased Salinas’s financial exposure, as well as that of every other oligarch in Mexico, and reduced his ability to negotiate from a position of strength. His public response framed the rulings as political retaliation, even as officials emphasized that the cases reflect an effort to enforce tax law uniformly after decades of selective oversight. The ruling reflected a structural shift in the balance of power between the state and the corporate oligarchs who had shaped Mexico’s political economy for decades. Sheinbaum’s anti-corruption measures provided the institutional foundation. The Elektra ruling provided the precedent. And together they signaled that Mexico’s era of untouchable billionaires was beginning to crack.

The Oligarch and the Cartel
The legal pressure on Ricardo Salinas Pliego intensified further when two casinos owned by Grupo Salinas were suspended as part of a nationwide crackdown on financial operations linked to organized crime, including drug cartels. Mexican authorities announced in 2025 that 13 casinos across multiple states were being investigated for laundering large volumes of illicit proceeds generated by the country’s major cartels. Two of those establishments belonged to the Salinas conglomerate.

Casinos have long been a favored laundering mechanism for Mexican cartels, as well as other organized crime groups worldwide. Their cash-heavy business model allows criminal networks to inject illicit funds into the financial system with minimal detection. The most common methods include:

1. Structured Cash Buy-ins
Cartel operatives bring significant amounts of small-denomination cash into casinos, break it into chips, play minimally, then cash out. The money is reissued as “winnings” and appears legitimate once deposited into bank accounts.

2. Use of Intermediaries (Smurfs)
Multiple individuals make smaller, separate transactions to avoid triggering reporting thresholds. These intermediaries often rotate casinos, making surveillance more difficult.

3. Collusion With Casino Staff
Criminal groups bribe or threaten employees to bypass required identification checks or to falsify transaction records. Some casinos have been accused of maintaining parallel bookkeeping systems to facilitate money movements.

4. Cross-Border Financial Transfers
Cartels use casinos near the U.S. border to convert pesos into dollars, then move the funds through shell companies or fake vendors abroad, completing the laundering cycle.

5. Use of Virtual Betting Platforms
Some casinos operate online platforms that are lightly regulated, enabling anonymous high-volume transactions across jurisdictions.

These practices make the gaming industry one of the most strategically important laundering channels for major criminal groups, including the Sinaloa Cartel, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), and various regional factions. It is also one of the sectors where government oversight has historically been weakest.

The nationwide casino investigation marked the first time in over a decade that federal authorities aggressively targeted the financial infrastructure supporting cartel liquidity rather than solely pursuing high-profile traffickers. By focusing on casinos, regulators went after the “cleaning” stage of cartel finances, where illicit proceeds are transformed into spendable corporate assets.

For Grupo Salinas, the suspension of two of its gaming establishments was especially consequential, not because authorities accused the conglomerate of criminal intent, but because any proximity to illicit finance networks carries severe regulatory and reputational risks. Even indirect exposure forces companies to undergo thorough audits, intensified reporting requirements, and forensic accounting reviews that can uncover additional irregularities.

At the moment the casino investigation broke, Salinas was already entangled in multi-billion-peso tax disputes and facing heightened regulatory scrutiny across his telecom, banking, and retail-finance divisions. The suspension of his casinos added a new legal front and expanded the scope of state oversight into his business empire.

The regulatory challenges emerged as a significant threat to his corporate model, signaling a broader “rule-of-law offensive” aimed at establishing system-wide changes rather than isolated regulatory incidents. This approach reflects the structural reform effort, intending to strengthen legal compliance across sectors and diminish the influence of entrenched oligarchies. Regulators gained access to internal financial records that were previously shielded by legal challenges. Increased surveillance meant less room for aggressive accounting strategies or opaque financial movements. Heightened AML (anti-money laundering) compliance requirements forced Banco Azteca to red-flag transactions more aggressively, undermining some of the flexibility the group and cartels relied on. Insurance and credit rating agencies responded by intensifying scrutiny of Grupo Salinas’s risk profile. Political opponents leveraged the investigation, framing it as evidence that his empire operates in legal gray zones.

For an oligarch whose empire has flourished under a light regulatory touch, this was a direct challenge to his operating environment. The casino suspensions also showed a transformation in Mexico’s approach to both criminal finance and elite impunity. For the first time in years, regulators were willing to risk confrontation with major corporate groups to disrupt the financial pipelines on which cartels depend. And because Grupo Salinas is one of the most politically connected conglomerates in the country, the enforcement action was widely interpreted as a sign that the government was willing to target any actor, regardless of status, if their financial operations fell within the scope of the investigation.

In short, the casino crackdown did more than expose potential vulnerabilities in Salinas’s empire. It demonstrated that, under President Sheinbaum, corruption would face serious pushback.

https://t.co/9lfhImRIfU