Bittereinder

Next time we fight - it is side by side.

[Tommy Robinson 🇬🇧 @TRobinsonNewEra]

The filth and their offspring being imported onto our families are not the same as us.

Watch as this caveman punches teenage girls at a Dutch school.

Deport them all.

[Vusi de Villiers @Finnthehuman80]

On this day we remember Nelson Mandela, the man go gifted South Africa the ANC who broke every single oath of office, captured and sold the state for personal wealth, looted and bankrupted every single SOE, fucked every single municipality under their watch beyond repair and brought the country crippling levels of violent crime,

Fuck you Nelson Mandela.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@ADnl @Kabalie4 Is niet het enigste overlast vanuit de AZC.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@ADnl @OzcanAkyol Dat is ook zo

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

This is the beginning of the end.

[卄𝐎ù𝔰ε 𝐨𝔣 ℙｏє𝐌 _ @P0eMPieDinges]

De politie geeft dus toe dat ze Marokkanen vrij spel gaven en niet ingrepen bij zogenaamde "kleine vergrijpen", omdat het anders “oorlog” zou worden.

•Zwaar vuurwerk afsteken en het gooien van rookbommen naar de politie
•Gemaskerde gasten die rondreden, tegen rijdende politieauto’s schopten
•Marokkanen die op politieauto’s stonden te springen en te dansen
•Een Oranje-fan die werd aangevallen met een fietskettingslot (poging tot doodslag)

Dit noemt de ME-commandant van Amsterdam dus “kleine vergrijpen” waarbij ze bewust niet handhaafden.
Hij denkt serieus dat hij hiermee verdere escalatie voorkomt. Dat is echt bizar.

Ze laten gewoon vandalisme en geweld toe uit angst voor de Marokkanen, terwijl andere groepen keihard door hetzelfde korps worden aangepakt! Zwak, laf, onvergeeflijk en onacceptabel!

Zsm kamervragen!

[Las Cloacas del Sistema @LCDS_2]

🚨MANUEL SCHADWALD: El niño cuya muerte fue filmada en el yate de la élite.

El 24 de julio de 1993, Manuel Schadwald, un niño alemán de doce años, salió de su casa en Berlín. Iba solo. Nunca regresó.

La policía abrió una investigación. En 1998 la cerró sin resultados. Sin cuerpo. Sin culpables. Sin respuestas.

Mientras tanto, en Bélgica y Países Bajos, activistas descubrieron que las pistas llevaban a una red mucho más oscura.

Manuel fue secuestrado y llevado a burdeles de niños en Ámsterdam y Rotterdam. Pero la versión más terrorífica apunta al yate Apollo.

Según testimonios e inteligencia holandesa, en ese velero el niño fue abusado y asesinado mientras lo grababan. Un snuff film real. El cuerpo fue arrojado al mar y el yate limpiado en un puerto militar.

El yate estaba vinculado a Gerrit Ulrich, implicado en el escándalo de Zandvoort (1998). Tras su muerte, la policía encontró miles de imágenes y vídeos de abuso infantil extremo, incluyendo bebés, junto con listas de clientes de varios países.

Una de las personas que investigó esta conexión fue Gina Pardaens-Bernaer, trabajadora social belga. Su trabajo la llevó al material de Zandvoort. Envió copias a Interpol.Recibió amenazas. Su hijo fue atropellado. En noviembre de 1998 dijo: “Con lo que he descubierto, o Bélgica explota o me asesinan”.

Al día siguiente su coche apareció destrozado contra un puente, sin marcas de frenado. La policía lo cerró como accidente. Horas después allanaron el despacho de su abogado. Gina murió.

Su caso se suma a la lista de muertes sospechosas vinculadas a estas investigaciones.

El caso de Manuel está directamente conectado con el caso Dutroux. Las mismas redes. Las mismas acusaciones de protección institucional. Las mismas sospechas de que personas influyentes estaban involucradas y que las investigaciones fueron frenadas cuando apuntaban demasiado alto.

Las autoridades nunca investigaron a fondo las conexiones con el yate Apollo ni con Zandvoort. La policía holandesa dijo que no encontró nada. La policía alemana cerró el caso sin conectar los puntos.Y sin embargo, los documentos existen.

Archivos de inteligencia holandesa hablan de un niño alemán asesinado en un barco y de un caso tapado porque “había personas influyentes a bordo”. Los testimonios detallan hechos y nombres. Gina Pardaens aseguró tener una copia del snuff film. Esa copia desapareció tras su muerte.

Treinta y dos años después, Manuel Schadwald sigue desaparecido. No hay justicia.

Este caso no es solo la historia de un niño que desapareció.

Es la historia de cómo una red de abuso infantil operó durante años en Europa con impunidad. Cómo las investigaciones se detenían cuando llegaban demasiado cerca del poder. Cómo un niño de doce años pudo ser secuestrado, abusado y asesinado mientras alguien lo filmaba… y el sistema decidió que era mejor no mirar.

Manuel quería ir a jugar un día de verano.

Terminó en un yate de la élite, siendo violado y asesinado mientras grababan su muerte.Y 32 años después seguimos sin saber quiénes estaban en ese barco.

La verdad está ahí. En los documentos. En los testimonios. En las conexiones con Zandvoort y Dutroux.

La pregunta ya no es qué le pasó a Manuel Schadwald.

La pregunta es: ¿cuánto tiempo más vamos a seguir permitiendo que estos casos queden archivados mientras los responsables siguen protegidos?

[ADONIS @adonispara]

> father was close friend with Nathan Rothschild
> backed Jewish immigration into England 1922
> as Colonial Secretary he pushed Balfour Declaration creating Israel
> refused Hitler’s peace offers after France fell 1940
> led England to a prolonged, ruinously expensive conflict that accelerated the empire’s collapse
> Strakosch (jewish financier) paid his £40k+ gambling debt 1930s
> famously said “My heart is full of sympathy for Zionism” in Jerusalem

Fat drunk who sold the greatest empire for shekels

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@AT5 What a backwards bunch.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@D66 @IlanaRooderkerk Ja and... your country is filled with anti european islamic schools funded by your tax payer.

[mynextchapter @Deeteem1]

They Boiled Seven Nuns Alive. Your History Teacher Never Mentioned It.

Seven nuns. A cauldron of boiling tar. Voronezh, Russia, 1919.

This is not a rumor. It is not anti-Soviet propaganda. It is documented in the testimony compiled by Alexander Yakovlev — the man Boris Yeltsin appointed to head Russia's own Presidential Commission for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression, with full access to Soviet state archives. Yakovlev published his findings in a book titled A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia, released by Yale University Press. He was reviewing his own government's own files.

Seven women who had dedicated their lives to God were immersed in boiling tar by agents of the Bolshevik state. This happened. It is in the archives. And if you went through the American education system, there is almost no chance anyone told you about it.

I didn't know either. Not until I went down a research rabbit hole trying to understand the lead-up to World War II — and kept finding a story that nobody in my education had ever mentioned. A story of systematic, deliberate, documented mass murder of Christian clergy, nuns, monks, and believers across Russia between 1917 and the 1930s. A campaign so vast, so methodical, and so thoroughly buried in Western public consciousness that most people living in the freest societies on earth have no idea it happened.

This is that story. And I am going to tell it the way it actually happened — starting with what they did to the men and women of God.

January 1, 1918: The First Nine Weeks

The Bolsheviks had been in power for nine weeks when they photographed Bishop Platon of Reval and eighteen other clergy standing together in winter coats at Yuriev. The caption on that photograph, published in Sergei Melgunov's 1924 documentary account, reads simply: "before their removal to the anatomical theatre at Yuriev University."

They were shot. Then they were carried to a medical dissection facility.

Nine weeks into the new world the Bolsheviks were building, nineteen priests and a bishop had been executed and delivered to an anatomy theatre on New Year's Day. The revolution was just getting started.

What They Did — Documented, City by City

Melgunov spent five years inside Soviet Russia after the revolution, was arrested eight times, sentenced to death, reprieved, and finally expelled in 1922. He spent the rest of his life in Paris writing down what he had witnessed and what eyewitnesses had told him, cross-referencing everything against the Bolsheviks' own published documents — their weekly newspapers, their official communiqués, their lists of the executed. His book The Red Terror in Russia was published in Berlin in 1924 and in English in London in 1925. It then largely disappeared from public view for decades.

What it documents, city by city, reads like a catalogue of hell.

At Kharkov, Cheka commandant Saenko — whose photograph appears in Melgunov's book — ran a torture chamber on Lomonosov Street. Prisoners' hands were submerged in boiling water until the skin blistered and could be peeled away in a single intact piece. Melgunov's book contains a photograph of these — human "gloves," the complete flayed skin of human hands, found in the torture chamber when the Bolsheviks withdrew. That photograph was published by a respected London publisher in 1925.

At Voronezh, naked prisoners were forced inside barrels whose interior walls had been studded with inward-pointing nails and rolled along the ground.

At Kremenchuk, clergy were impaled.

In winter across multiple cities, naked prisoners were drenched with water and left outside in freezing temperatures until they died standing — witnesses called them "living ice statues."

At Piatigorsk, 59 hostages including a priest were condemned by formal published Cheka decree. Melgunov documents what actually happened to them: they were not shot. They were hacked to pieces with swords.

At Kiev, Chinese Cheka detachments used a rat torture that was so widely documented that George Orwell used it as the central horror of Room 101 in Nineteen Eighty-Four. The method — a sealed tube containing a rat pressed against a prisoner's torso, with the tube then heated — appears in multiple independent witness accounts from the Kiev Cheka operations.

None of this was improvised battlefield violence. The Cheka published a weekly newspaper. It listed executions by name and category. It telegraphed Moscow's quotas to regional offices. Melgunov documents directly that the number shot in Saratov was calculated to meet a quota telegraphed from Lenin's office. A quota. Priests died to fill a quota.

Lenin personally managed executions by telegram. On January 29, 1920, writing to the Ural region: "I am surprised that you are putting up with this and do not punish sabotage with shooting." On August 11, 1918, to the Penza Soviet about a peasant uprising: "Hang — hang without fail, so the people see — no fewer than 100 known kulaks, rich men, bloodsuckers." The paper trail from the Kremlin to the Cheka basement is documented in Melgunov's pages, in Lenin's own collected telegrams, and in the Soviet archives that Russia opened after 1991.

What They Did to the Church Specifically

The campaign against Christianity was not a side effect of the revolution. It was a stated objective.

Yakovlev's Presidential Commission findings, drawn from Soviet state archives, document the specific methods used against clergy: priests, monks, and nuns were crucified, thrown into cauldrons of boiling tar, scalped, strangled, forced to receive what the Cheka called "Communion" — with molten lead poured into their mouths — and drowned through holes cut in frozen rivers.

In May 1920, Lenin personally ordered the mass execution of all clergy who opposed communism. Between 14,000 and 20,000 priests were killed in the operations that followed, according to estimates drawn from Soviet archive records reviewed by Yakovlev.

Professor Charles Saroléa attempted a count of identifiable clerical dead in the Edinburgh newspaper The Scotsman in November 1923. His tally, cited by Melgunov: 28 bishops. 1,219 documented priests. These were only the cases where names could be confirmed. The true total across the provincial Cheka basements, the frozen riverbanks, and the cauldrons of Voronezh was never fully recorded because the Bolsheviks stopped recording what was inconvenient, and because the regime that succeeded them classified the evidence for decades.

Churches were looted systematically. Gold chalices, silver icons, liturgical candlesticks — all confiscated in organized operations throughout 1921 and 1922, officially framed as famine relief but in practice stripping the Church of its material existence. Monasteries were converted to prisons. Seminaries were shuttered. Religious instruction of children was made a criminal offense. The Moscow Cathedral of Christ the Saviour — built to commemorate Russia's victory over Napoleon — was dynamited by Stalin in 1931.

Why You Never Heard This

I want to be direct about this because it matters.
The Holocaust — the Nazi extermination of six million Jews and millions of others — is taught in American schools, documented in museums, commemorated in film, and embedded in the cultural memory of the Western world. It should be. It was one of the greatest crimes in human history and the obligation to remember it is permanent and non-negotiable. But it doesn't make any sense why such an extreme thing happened out of thin air for no reason at all until you learn about the Jewish bolshevik terror before.

But the Bolshevik terror against Christians — which by credible scholarly estimates killed tens of millions across the Soviet period, with tens of thousands of clergy executed specifically for their faith in the first decade alone — is not in the American curriculum. It is not in the museums. It is not in the films. The man who personally signed the execution order for Russia's Christian leadership, whose embalmed body still lies in a mausoleum in Red Square visited by tourists every year, is treated in Western public discourse as a historical figure of academic interest rather than the architect of a documented campaign of mass murder against people of faith.

The reason is not ignorance. It is politics. The Western academic and media establishment that shapes public memory spent a generation giving the Soviet experiment the benefit of the doubt. The journalists who reported from Moscow in the 1930s — some of whom knew what was happening and chose not to report it — had ideological commitments that made the truth inconvenient. By the time the Cold War ended and the archives opened, the habit of silence was established.

Melgunov knew this would happen. He wrote in 1924, from a Paris café, knowing that the people with the power to tell the world what he knew had decided not to. He documented everything anyway. He cited the Bolsheviks' own newspapers against them. He preserved the photographs. He named the commanders of the torture chambers and described their methods in clinical detail because he understood that without specificity, without names and places and dates, the scale of what had happened would be dismissed as exaggeration.

He was right to be careful. He was right to be specific. The seven nuns in the boiling tar at Voronezh. Bishop Platon photographed before being taken to the anatomy theatre at Yuriev on New Year's Day 1918. The priest on the list of 59 hostages at Piatigorsk who was hacked to pieces with swords rather than shot because there was no decree specifying the method of killing.

These things happened. They are documented. They are in books you can read for free online right now.

Your history teacher never mentioned them. I am mentioning them now.

Read It Yourself — Primary Sources

Sergei Melgunov — The Red Terror in Russia (1924/1925)
The foundational eyewitness account. Full text, free, public domain:
https://t.co/UTm0E9FRFW

Internet Archive version:
https://t.co/3Jn1cXOECC

Alexander Yakovlev — A Century of Violence in Soviet Russia
Yale University Press, 2002. Drawn from full access to Soviet state archives.
George Leggett — The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police
Oxford University Press, 1986. The definitive English-language scholarly account.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@UltraDane Feral low iq zombie hordes

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@Pippi3057523023 They are no real refugees. It is opportunists who come for the free money. Where's the women? Why is it mostly men? Why are they so criminally inclined and iver represented in crime stats. How many Europeans will have to die,be robbed or raped at their hands.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@RMXnews They are a scourge of europe. What a backwards nation.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@PresidencyZA @CyrilRamaphosa This is not good at all.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@Liberfach0 Its not hard enough.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

And so Soros and his ilk sits behind many many such anti white agendas around the world.

[Alice VL @RiseAgainstEvil]

George Soros has been meddling in South Africa for nearly 50 years. It started in 1979 when he funded scholarships for Black students under apartheid. Then came the big move.

In 1987, Soros financed the Dakar Conference in Senegal. This brought banned ANC leaders together with White Afrikaner politicians, business leaders, and academics. The goal was to push negotiations and dismantle the existing order. It helped pave the way for the ANC's rise to power.

By 1993, Soros set up the Open Society Foundation for South Africa. After 1994, his network poured money into the new ANC government and aligned civil society groups. Housing projects, NGO's, media, governance programs, all backed with Soros cash.

Between 1997 and 2023 alone, Open Society Foundations invested $238 million in South Africa. They funded groups pushing "rights," "equity," and "democracy," while the ANC delivered corruption, state capture, economic collapse, and brutal targeting of White farmers.

In September 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa met personally with George Soros and his son Alexander in New York during a bilateral meeting at the Intercontinental Hotel.

While Ramaphosa smiled for photos with the billionaire, White South African families were being slaughtered on their farms in some of the most horrific attacks imaginable. The government continued to downplay farm murders, chant "Kill the Boer," and enforce B-BBEE policies that openly discriminate against White South Africans in jobs, contracts, and land.

Soros's money helped build and sustain the narrative that protects the ANC while White farmers, their wives, and children face torture, rape, and murder. His foundations supported "civil society" that often excuses or ignores the racial reality of these attacks.

The result? Thousands of White South Africans murdered on farms since 1994. Families scattered across the world as refugees. Sons and daughters separated from mothers and fathers for years. Grandchildren never meeting grandparents. An entire minority community forced into exile because staying means living under constant threat.

This is the Soros-ANC partnership in action. Billions flowed in the name of "open society." What South Africa got was closed borders for honest reporting on farm murders, destroyed property rights for Whites, and a government that prioritizes race over competence and safety.

White South Africans did not vote to end apartheid in 1992 just to hand their country over to this. They wanted a future for all, not a system that punishes one group while Soros-funded networks shape the story.

The blood on South African soil and the broken families tell the truth. Soros didn't just "support democracy." He backed the forces that delivered the opposite for White South Africans.

Every grant. Every meeting. The ANC didn't rise alone. And the suffering didn't happen in a vacuum.

[Alice VL @RiseAgainstEvil]

Dear World.

If you don't pay attention to South Africa, your home and car may someday soon look like this.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@RiseAgainstEvil A true hero this man.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@AmericaRecharge Rupert Lowe! He has the balls to do the drastic steps necessary to clean up the Uk.

[Bittereinder @Bittereinder12]

@harmbeertema You cannot live with them. Thats one of the reasons why south africa had apartheid.