Absurd. Policzmy:
1⃣ średnio oddajemy 22 butelki jednorazowo
2⃣ poświęcamy na to 11 minut ( kolekcjonowanie, w miasteczkach dojazd do butelkomatu, kolejka, brak miejsc i powtórka ).
3⃣ 1 tona butelek 1 litrowych na wodę to 40 000 sztuk
4⃣ czyli 1820 osób musi zmarnować swój czas by wrzucić 1 tonę butelek do recyclingu
5⃣ Łącznie te 1820 osób straci 20 000 minut, czyli 13 dni życia by wrzucić 1 tonę butelek ( wcześniej wrzucali po prostu do żółtego pojemnika )
6⃣ Koszty społeczno-gospodarcze są astronomiczne
7⃣ Ministerstwo: Polacy zużywają rocznie 3 miliardy butelek
8⃣ Skoro tak, to daje 75 000 ton butelek czyli Polacy poświęcą blisko milion dni tylko na zabawę by odzyskać swoje kaucje...
Zamiast przeznaczyć czas na odpoczynek, rodzinę, przyjaciół, sen to bezproduktywnie cały naród traci czas swojego życia które mamy jedno⚠️. Z powodu kilku "lobbystów"...
Yuri Bezmenov – The Long March in Four Stages.
In 1984, a former Soviet KGB propagandist sat in front of a camera in Los Angeles and explained how to destroy a country without firing a shot: by sowing demoralization and unrest, using its own local socialists, useful idiots and the like. Most people laughed. Today the clip goes viral every other week.
1. Born in 1939 near Moscow, the son of a Soviet army officer. He studied Indian languages and joined the Novosti press agency – in his account, a front for the KGB. Posted to India, his job was deception and subversion: handle foreign journalists and intellectuals, show them what they were supposed to see, and shape what they wrote home.
2. In 1970 he defected – disguised as a hippie, slipping out of India with a group of Western travelers. He settled in Canada under a new name and worked in radio. In 1984 he gave the interview that made him famous.
3. His core claim: espionage is the small part. The big part is subversion – and it works through demoralization: changing a society’s perception of reality so that, despite an abundance of information, nobody can reach sensible conclusions in defense of themselves, their family or their country. And it isn’t carried out by spies. It is carried out by the country’s own people – local socialists, useful idiots and the like: professors, teachers, journalists, entertainers, activists, most of whom have no idea whose work they are doing.
4. Stage one: demoralization. It takes fifteen to twenty years – the time needed to educate one generation. The targets are the schools, the universities, the media, the churches, the culture: Gramsci’s institutions. The result is a person who can no longer process facts. Show him the evidence, and he refuses to believe it.
5. Stage two: destabilization – a few years of sowing unrest in the economy, the defense, the institutions and the streets. Stage three: crisis – a few weeks of breakdown, after which a new power arrives promising salvation.
6. Stage four: normalization. Central Europe knows that word. After Soviet tanks crushed the Prague Spring in 1968, Moscow called the occupation "normalization." Poland lived its own version after martial law. The abnormal, declared normal. And the useful idiots who helped the revolution? Bezmenov said they would be the first to be discarded once it won. The revolution devours its own.
7. Not every number he gave can be verified – he was a dramatic witness. But the mechanism holds. And there is one thing he missed. The Soviet Union died in 1991. The demoralization didn’t. It no longer needs the KGB. It runs on its own fuel now – grants, careers, NGOs, prizes. Münzenberg’s machine outlived him; so did Moscow’s.
In 2020 his interview opened a Call of Duty trailer. A new generation met him through a video game – and recognized its own world.
The interview is linked below. If you haven’t watched it, you have to.
Poles lived stage four. The West has been living stage one for half a century.
Demoralization takes a generation. So does the cure. It starts at the kitchen table: tell the truth, teach the children, have courage and refuse to call the abnormal normal.
I was born in France. In Paris. In 1994. A Polish mother, a French father. On my ID: Nicolas Jean Daniel. In reality: Mikołaj. From the very beginning, nothing really fit together.
My mother did everything to make sure I grew up in a Polish environment. I owe the most to Poles. For most of the time, I was looked after by my maternal grandfather and Polish “au pair” girls, mainly from Podhale, who in exchange for taking care of me received lodging, food, and some pay. That was my first world.
I discovered that I lived in France only when I went to preschool. Everyone ignored me because of the language barrier — I understood only Polish. Reportedly my first words were: “good ham.” I didn’t know a single word of French. The French teachers thought that if I didn’t know the language, that was my problem, and they didn’t bother with me. But it didn’t bother me either — I ignored everyone as well and lived in my own world. They called me “the dreamer.” I learned French only in the last two years of preschool, and with great difficulty.
At the same time, I attended Polish school on Wednesdays and Saturdays. My extracurricular schedule was quite active: sports, music school, English. On weekends we always went to the countryside. Both my parents were computer scientists, well paid. I lacked nothing and overall had a very happy childhood.
In elementary school, the class was very mixed. The whole world was there: Africa, the Middle East, South America, Asia… One day little Abdulsalam joined us — a bit like Tuwim’s “Little Bambo.” Nothing bad about him. Mamadou was different — slightly unpleasant, but manageable. Oussama, of course, was the most troublesome. Still, the situation wasn’t too bad because the system still held, and the teachers exercised fairly strict authority. They even had a reputation for severity. French women used to be tough, and there was no nonsense in class.
Then we moved for two years to a smaller town north of Paris. There I met ordinary French bourgeois kids. It was a rather miserable experience. The children were arrogant and vain. I got along better with kids from nearby villages and from the military district. At that point, I stopped attending Polish school, but I already had a solid grasp of grammar.
My contact with Poland weakened. We traveled there only twice a year to visit my grandfather. I read almost exclusively in French, and my contact with Poland was mostly through conversations with my mother. She spoke to me in Polish, I answered in French. But it never crossed my mind to say I wasn’t Polish.
My mother, who left Poland in the 1980s, constantly remembered her homeland as a land of wonders. For her, Poland was always the best at everything. She was an unconscious nationalist, more than Piłsudski himself. She despised France and the French. She thought them false, dishonest, insincere (“they never look you in the eye, always sideways”). Once she burst into tears when she read me a ballad by Mickiewicz.
Over time, I understood that her departure to France was a terrible mistake. But she never said it outright. She kept many things hidden from me so I would be happy and focus on my own development — which harmed her greatly. She only wanted me to succeed in everything I did. Nothing else mattered.
After those two years — the best of my life — we returned to Paris. Abdulsalam, Mamadou, and Oussama, unfortunately, were no longer the same. In half the classes, there was no order at all. I got into a better class, with a music focus, but the lack of teacher authority began to ruin everything.
I was accepted into a good high school in the very center of Paris. But every day I had to take the metro through the worst districts to get there. That was when my personal problems with France began. I don’t need to describe what it was like. After a few months of this daily commute, I realized France was no longer itself. And when in high school I said that immigration was problematic, everyone called me a fascist. It depressed me deeply and pushed me into breakdown. Some teenagers had arrogance — I had depression. This was not a country I wanted to live in.
I will never forgive the French for destroying their own country through irresponsibility, political correctness, and cowardice. Everyone there was afraid to say what they thought, even about trivial matters. One could always feel the social pressure — the fear of anything even slightly stronger or bolder than group conformity.
Already in elementary school, teachers said I was “brave.” I didn’t understand what they meant, because I wasn’t doing anything particularly brave. Worse still, my father said the same. And I didn’t understand him either, just as I didn’t understand him at all. No one knew where he came from or why — he probably didn’t know himself. That’s all there was to it.
Then I studied history and Polish studies at the Sorbonne. I learned history in a very French-centric version. Almost nothing about Asia, Africa, or the Americas. At the same time, I studied law, which I didn’t finish, but treated as a useful hobby — and I was right. Later I did a master’s in international relations, but it was too theoretical, and I wanted to analyze the world more realistically. That’s why I went to business school for a master’s in finance.
I lived in Paris at that time. But I no longer paid attention to France’s problems. France didn’t exist for me. I sat in libraries from 9 a.m. to 10 p.m. and planned to move abroad. In the end, I decided Poland would be the best choice for many reasons — at least for five years.
When I finally “returned” to the country — because in my head it was a return, though I had never lived there before — I felt as if I were breathing for the first time in my life.
The three-year-old inside me, rejected in French preschool, had finally found his own.
Pani Marta nie pierd… się w tańcu. Od pierwszej sekundy wiedziałem że to właściwy człowiek na właściwym miejscu jeżeli ktoś ma posprzątać bajzel w zoo. Jednakże to co odkrywa - jacy to amatorzy przyszli nastawieni na zaiwanianie co cenniejszych - to robi wrażenie. Posłuchajcie całości, warto.
Dear @ZelenskyyUa
Go, and I have to make this absolutely clear, fck yourself.
You're a corrupt, grotty, war-mongering, child-trafficking charlatan and everyone hates you, including those you've blackmailed to give you tax payers money.
You've butchered tens of thousands of your own men, whilst you were too cowardly to pick up a rifle and lead from the front. You're a coward.
You're a scum bag and I cant wait until the day you face your maker and rot in the pits of everlasting hell for all the lives you've destroyed to feather your own nest.
You're scum.
Total and utter fking scum.
Oni czyli najbardziej wpływowa Ambasada na świecie i najpotężniejsza Ambasada w Europie...są FANTASTYCZNIE zorganizowani ❗️ Zauważyli, że shadowban na poziomie 94 % nie przynosi oczekiwanych rezultatów. Dlatego wpadli na diaboliczny pomysł i założyli pani od historii nowy kaganiec : 2 000 wyświetleń moich lekcji...i już ❗️ SZACUN ❗️
W związku z tym chciałam zapytać Polaków :
Macie w sobie jeszcze odrobinę DUMY ❓❓❓ I spróbujecie przełamać te represje ❓ Czy dalej będziecie biernie stali z boku flekowani przez WSZYSTKICH ❓Np. tak ⬇️
Pan prof. Jacek Leociak (na zdjęciu) - członek Instytutu Badań Literackich PAN, współtwórca Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów.
Tropiliście, polowaliście, wydawaliście, zabijaliście ❗️❗️❗️
"Słyszeli przybliżające się odgłosy nagonki, więc usiłowali się ukryć, ale krąg obławy zacieśniał się. Ścigani, tropieni, osaczani padali w końcu łupem myśliwych. Ale ofiary kryły się nie tylko przed Niemcami, nie tylko oni stanowili śmiertelne zagrożenie. Żydowskie zapiski i relacje jasno stwierdzają, że zagrożenie płynęło również z kręgu najbliższego sąsiedztwa, mieszkańców tego samego miasta czy lokatorów tej samej kamienicy, pasażerów w tramwaju czy przedziale kolejowym, przechodniów na ulicy".
Biorąc pod uwagę to co robię od 10 lat...prośby o 1 000 RT i cykliczne korzystanie z naszej kawiarki...jest chyba bardziej UPOKARZAJĄCE niż żebranie pod Kościołem.
https://t.co/uYX0ELCMFj
Będzie ostro ale inaczej nie potrafię.
Żyjemy w kraju w którym w biały dzień można:
Zabrać dzieci rodzicom za dwa piwa w lodówce,
ukraść ZOO,
dojebać 780 tys. Kary za szyld rzucający cień na ulicę,
wyjebać rodzącą z SORu,
Pobić i nieprzytomnego człowieka zakuć w kajdanki.
Dziękujemy wam debile z Jagodna.
Dlaczego policja ukrywa nagrania z bodycam funkcjonariuszy?
Kto był sprawcą?
Kto ofiarą?
Kto kłamie?
Jest nagranie.
Całe. Bez cenzury.
Udostępniajcie.
NIECH KRĄŻY WSZĘDZIE z hashtagiem
#UjawnićNagraniePolicji
@Nonstopnews_@RabbiJeffx@grok Myślozbrodnia?
Te plany zrobienia krzywdy Mossad odnalazł w zbombardowanych szkołach i szpitalach Gazy?
Czy myślicie że goyim są tak glupi i uwierzą w te kłamstwa?
A tak przy okazji, na Ukrainie nie ma nazistów.
Domyślam się, że platforma X zrobi wszystko, aby ten materiał był.praktycznie niewidoczny na terenie Polski.
Willi Münzenberg – The Man Who Wrote the NGO Playbook.
You have never heard of him. That was the point.
Gramsci explained why culture had to be conquered. Münzenberg showed how – and built the machine that still runs today.
1. Born in 1889 in Thuringia, the son of a poor innkeeper. During the First World War he met Lenin in Zurich. He became one of the founders of the German Communist Party and sat in the Reichstag. But his real talent was something else: he understood that most people will never join a revolution – and can still be made to work for one.
2. In 1921, famine struck Soviet Russia, and Lenin asked him to raise help from abroad. Münzenberg created Workers International Relief – and discovered that a humanitarian cause attracts people who would never join a communist party. The aid was real. So was the propaganda. The first modern NGO used as a front.
3. Then he built an empire. Newspapers, an illustrated magazine read by hundreds of thousands, publishing houses, book clubs, film studios. Germans called him the Red Millionaire. It was the media group of the Comintern – and almost nobody reading it knew.
4. His masterpiece was what he privately called the Innocents’ Clubs: committees for peace, against war, against fascism, against imperialism. Causes every decent person supports. Famous writers and scientists on the letterhead, congresses in grand halls – and a few communists in the back office deciding everything. The cause was the bait. The network was the catch.
5. When the Reichstag burned in 1933, he struck back with a book of accusations and a mock "counter-trial" in London, staged with eminent lawyers – and won world opinion before any real court had ruled. Trial by narrative. The template of every media tribunal since.
6. He didn’t need intellectuals to join the party. Only to lend their names. The fellow traveler – the professor, the actor, the novelist who signs the petition and never asks who drafted it – was his invention as much as anyone’s. Arthur Koestler worked for him in Paris and later described the whole system from the inside.
7. In the end he broke with Stalin, over the purges and then the Hitler–Stalin pact. In 1939 he published an open attack titled "The traitor, Stalin, is you." A year later, in France, he was found hanging from a tree in a forest. Suicide or murder – it was never solved. The machine outlived its builder.
Now look around. The "coalition" of NGOs. The open letter signed by a hundred celebrities on the same morning. The "civil society" platform funded by governments. The tribunal of public opinion that convicts before any court. The cause sounds always noble. The network is always the same.
Münzenberg would recognize all of it. He wrote the playbook.
Next time a hundred famous names sign the same letter on the same day, ask the one question nobody asks: who drafted it?
Autorką obrzydliwego komentarza na FB: "Zesr*** się", pod adresem córki Karola Nawrockiego, jest Basia Muchowicz-Barde - nauczycielka j. polskiego z I LO w Bochni !!
I Liceum w Bochni gratulujemy pedagoga ! 😡
Jej ,,sława'' niesie się po Internetach
https://t.co/mbHh2UE1ng