Join me in demanding justice for ATIKU ABUBAKAR ISAH, former President of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS).
According to a post by Omoyele Sowore, Isah was yesterday “remanded in Keffi prison and BRUTALIZED after arraignment following what was a highly questionable arraignment over cybercrime allegations.”
Isah is someone I know very well, and I can vouch for him any day as a law-abiding citizen who is often targeted for fighting injustice in high places.
I recall his recent visit to MAZI NNAMDI KANU in Sokoto, and his abiding solidarity with #MNK from when he was detained at the DSS.
He had also publicly supported the calls to #FreeNnamdiKanu on several occasions.
A friend in need, is a friend indeed.
Isah deserves our support and solidarity in this hour of need.
#FreeAtikuAbubakarIsah.
@K_C_OBI@AloyEjimakor It's the truth check since 2000 from Ralph to MNK and now Simon ekpa njoku Anambra people are betrayers if you like don't believe l don't care this biafra of a thing my father started with Ralph to MNK now he's old so you can't tell me about biafra struggle Anambra are evil peopl
PAUL OKECHUKWU, an Igbo man whose only proven offence was confessing membership of IPOB, has been condemned to 20 years in prison. Paul never killed anyone. He never attacked security forces. The sole count linking him to violence was withdrawn and struck out.
Conversely, Boko Haram fighters who massacred thousands (soldiers, police, and civilians alike) are “rehabilitated,” handed money, vocational training, and reintegrated into the society,
So, for merely associating with a “proscribed” group, Paul received a sentence many actual killers never face. This is not law or justice; it is pure ethnic persecution dressed as counter-terrorism.
When those who slaughtered security agents are rewarded with second chances while a non-violent Igbo is buried in a prison cell for 20 long years, the Nigerian state is deliberately pushing the Igbo further from the federation.
Such a brazen double standard does not preserve unity; it destroys it and fuels the very demand for self-determination the State aims to suppress. It is indeed a double whammy, and a provocation to boot.
By ALOY EJIMAKOR.
MY LORD, YOU ARE BIASED:
When a self-represented defendant in a capital case openly accuses the judge of bias amid a courtroom confrontation between them, the safer course under Nigerian law is to adjourn, not rush conviction of the defendant on the same day.
@AloyEjimakor Any country that stand against restoration of biafra will go down and any country that collect money from Nigeria like Britain to join against biafra we definitely taken to international corporation court for clarification Nigeria has expired that was the agreement since 2014
@AloyEjimakor Mazi okwu Kanu must get Biafra especially ndilgbo we suffer the most in Nigeria all over the country there's no prison in this world you won't found lgbos man we can never be one Nigeria with those that hates us l said never even in deaths or next life Benjamin push our freedom,
@SaharaReporters Not claiming but it's true obi Peter is a small boy and he can't be a president of Nigeria not even his next life instead l'll vote for Peter obi l rather vote for jagaban obi didn't do anything in Anambra state not even a road or steady electricity only thing he does talking,
@originalproflle Go and visit MNK in sokoto prison again used your platform to support and create awareness for MNK speak up now it's time or your villages will be taken by Fulani killers
“The Propaganda Of Ebola In Abuja Is To Stop NDC From Their Mega Rally On The 24th Of Oct.
The Fear Of Obi/Kwankwaso Is The Beginning Of Wisdom For APC….”
— Officialgana_
PUBLIC LEGAL NOTE
ISSUED BY: Christopher Chidera, Esq. SUBJECT: The Jurisprudential Collapse in FRN v. Nnamdi Kanu: Why the Judiciary Is Running Scared of Section 36(12)
PREAMBLE: THE CONSTITUTIONAL PANIC IN ABUJA
A quiet, systemic panic is echoing through the corridors of the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court—a panic born of sheer jurisprudential terror.
For decades, Nigerian courts have relied on a dangerous trick to paper over grave judicial errors: treating a conviction rendered directly under a repealed statute as if it were a mere clerical typo on a charge sheet.
The trial court judgment in FRN v. Mazi Nnamdi Kanu (Suit No: FHC/ABJ/CR/383/2015), delivered by Justice James Omotosho, has laid bare this intellectual rot. By convicting and sentencing directly under the repealed Terrorism (Prevention) Act 2013 (TPA) while ignoring the extant Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act 2022 (TPPA), Justice Omotosho entered a conviction unsupported by a single precedent in Nigerian history. He simply disobeyed the law of the land—and now, the bench is terrified to confront the mess.
1. SECTION 98(3) HAS NO PLACE IN THE STRICT TEXT OF SECTION 36(12)
Saved liability is not saved law. Saved proceedings are not saved penal provisions. You cannot "cure" the absence of an extant written law under Section 36(12) by pointing to a statutory savings clause. The framers of Section 36(12) never contemplated a savings clause as a constituent element of a valid written law. Importing Section 98(3) into constitutional construction only serves to obscure and subordinate a non-negotiable constitutional decree to a mere statute.
Look at Section 36(9) (double jeopardy): where the framers intended to qualify a non-derogable right, they wrote express provisos directly into the text. Section 36(12) contains no such proviso. An ordinary statutory savings clause cannot amend the Constitution or act as an unwritten exception.
The prosecution cannot evade two fundamental questions:
What does Section 98(3) save? Accrued liabilities and pending proceedings—it is a shield against automatic abatement so that repeal does not cause an instant amnesty.
What does Section 36(12) require? A constitutionally sufficient, extant written-law basis defining the offence and prescribing the penalty on judgment day.
Justice Omotosho committed a fatal double error: he treated a permissive savings clause (Section 98(3)) as authority to convict under a dead law, while flatly disobeying the mandatory transition commands in Sections 97 and 98(2) directing migration to the 2022 Act. Passing sentence under repealed sections of a dead law is an unconstitutional act born of a Lazarus syndrome—a delusion that judges can command dead laws to rise from the grave. A dead law cannot be resurrected by judicial fiat.
2. SECTION 36(12): NO EXTANT LAW, NO CONVICTION
Under Section 36(12), "written law" means an active, subsisting Act in force on the date of conviction and sentencing. That the 2013 TPA was once written law does not make it written law on judgment day.
When Justice Omotosho passed sentence, he drew imprisonment authority exclusively from repealed penal sections—handing down a sentence without a single subsisting written law prescribing that penalty on judgment day. By defying the mandatory transition commands in Sections 97 and 98(2), the court left the conviction floating in a constitutional vacuum.
3. THE "OYO/BENDEL" DOCTRINE IS A FRAUD: PRECEDENT DEMOLISHED
Pro-government commentators frantically cite Ogbomor v. State, Adonike v. State, and Awosika v. IGP, claiming citing a repealed law is a "harmless error." This is a total distortion of Supreme Court authorities.
@njcNig@FederalHigh@NigBarAssoc@NigerianBarz@IBAnews@NGRSenate@StateDept@FCDOGovUK@downingstreet@USinNigeria@UKinNigeria