Mamdani, además de pelotudo, es un ignorante. El Estado de Israel es el Estado del pueblo judío. Pueblo, no religión. En la declaración de independencia no se menciona la palabra "Dios" y, expresamente, se proclama la libertad religiosa y se habla de "pueblo", nunca de "religión*
Reporter: Israel is a Jewish state. That’s in the charter. Do you support that?
Mamdani: I’ve said time and again that I support the state of Israel as a state with equal rights.
Reporter: As jewish state?
Mamdani: I believe that any state that privileges one religion over another is one that I can’t tell you I support, whether it be Israel or Saudi Arabia or anywhere else.
@Acyn
On rape, Oct 7th: "cannot be independently verified." On genocide: stated as settled fact. One word gets the strictest standard in law; the other gets none. In the same document.
The link to my press conference regarding my report to #hrc62 on violence against mothers and the interactive dialogue i had can be found here: https://t.co/8s7gxBl7sQ
The link to the statement i put out on my engagement with the crimes committed on and since the 7th of October 2023 and which i refer to in my press conference can be found here: https://t.co/oKn59dOD4U
BREAKING: Ilana Gritzewsky, who was held hostage by Hamas, just took the floor at the United Nations to confront Reem Alsalem, the UN rapporteur on violence against women. Her dramatic testimony:
Special Rapporteur, your report speaks about violence against women. Why is there no mention of Hamas?
On October 7, terrorists stormed our Kibbutz — murdering, kidnapping, and burning.
I was beaten and mutilated before blacking out.
I woke up half naked with seven terrorists standing over me, not knowing what happened to me in those lost moments.
I went through days of pain and horror in captivity, and even now the feeling of being powerless and violated still lingers.
I came back with a broken hip, a broken jaw and a shattered soul.
People see my face and think I’m free. But freedom is not a switch. Trauma doesn’t vanish once you are released.
Now, every air-raid siren, and every rocket from Iran, throws me back into that hell.
On October 7, and in captivity, Jewish women were raped, abused, and humiliated.
And you, Special Rapporteur, you chose silence and denial.
Ms. Alsalem, you said there was no evidence of sexual violence on October 7.
I am standing here today — not as a report, not as a statistic.
I am a woman who survived. I am the living proof of sexual violence by Hamas.
When I and other Israeli women begged not to be raped, why were you silent?
Please look at me. Do you believe us now?
Will you apologize?
Will Europe Save Hamas in Gaza? I recently met with a high-ranking European official from a country deeply involved in the Israel and Palestine file to discuss Gaza’s future and immediate options for relieving civilians trapped under Hamas’s grip. I presented a simple proposal: create safe zones across the "Yellow Line" into the Israel‑controlled green zone and support new, organized, secure, Hamas‑free communities where Gazans could finally begin rebuilding their lives. Whether the issue is humane living conditions, deradicalization, education, healthcare, or shielding civilians from both Hamas or Israeli strikes, the green zone is the only place where meaningful action is possible. Instead of engaging, the official launched into a long monologue about their country’s contributions to the Palestinian Authority, UNRWA, and other institutions, all while insisting on their own “humility” as a faraway European nation.
Then came the truly alarming part: a casual normalization of Hamas. The official proudly described how easy it had been to work with Hamas before October 7, praising the group for providing “excellent security” and being “easier to work with than others.” What they called pragmatism was, in reality, a twenty‑year pattern of enabling a violent terrorist organization responsible for immense civilian suffering.
When I explained that any Hamas‑free zones would require vetting at the Yellow Line to prevent weapons or operatives from entering, the official reacted with shock. “This vetting would violate international law,” they repeated, insisting that their country could not fund projects with any checks on who enters. I noted the absurdity: I had undergone extensive vetting just to enter their country, and even this building, yet they believed Hamas fighters should be able to walk into new civilian safe zones unimpeded. Their only response was vague appeals to “international law,” which, in their interpretation, seems to require allowing terrorists to hide among civilians.
The meeting ended on an even more surreal note. When the official asked what would happen to Hamas fighters left in the red zone, I said I didn’t care; they could fight the Israeli military on their own all they wanted once they no longer held two million civilians hostage. The official lamented that “this isn’t the old American West” and expressed concern for what would happen to Hamas without human shields. Disgust doesn’t begin to describe my feelings and reactions.
I left convinced of something long suspected: Hamas’s twenty‑year rule was sustained not only by its own brutality but by an ecosystem of NGOs, donor nations, Western European governments, journalists, academics, activists, lawyers, and even self‑styled human‑rights defenders who normalized Hamas, treated it as a legitimate authority, or tolerated its abuses because their hostility toward Israel outweighed their concern for Gazans.