Formayor

@Formayor2

Interested in all things Oregon. Don’t Steal, the Government hates competition. #ENDtheFED to #ENDallWARS. Parody and journalist account (to avoid prosecution)

Douglas County Oregon

Joined November 2022

1.5K Following

465 Followers

9.3K Posts

Pinned Tweet

Formayor @Formayor2

over 3 years ago

New America Priority #1. No one can deny the science. Russians are taking control of Magnetic North. Guvment needs stop this probably only cost another $100B. Maybe have to go to war. Don’t worry about the border, homeless, inflation, everything else is fine.

Formayor2's tweet photo. New America Priority #1. No one can deny the science. Russians are taking control of Magnetic North. Guvment needs stop this probably only cost another $100B. Maybe have to go to war. Don’t worry about the border, homeless, inflation, everything else is fine. https://t.co/X2iE1T8OxM

Formayor2 retweeted

Sal the Agorist

@SallyMayweather

3 days ago

364

51K

Formayor2 retweeted

Lee

@TeaPartyPDX

4 days ago

@Oregonian Numbers don’t care about politics.

144

Formayor2 retweeted

Kevin Dahlgren 🥾 🥾

@kevinvdahlgren

3 days ago

A pedestrian underpass, Portland, Oregon

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Who to follow

Sage of the Mountain

@SageOfTheMtn

Eastern Oregon mountain man. Good ol’ boy with a brain. Easily entertained. Devastatingly handsome. Hardly ever wrong. Occasionally savage. 🤓

rosecity_outrage

@rosecityoutrage

Ask questions. Team Reality. Anti Mandate. Follow The Data. Follow the Money. The People vs The Powerful.

Chicken Little

@ChkLil

OK, now the sky is falling. 🇺🇲 #OneTermTIna

Formayor2 retweeted

MW4Liberty

@MW4Liberty

3 days ago

Your local farmer raises a healthy cow on grass, butchers it cleanly on the farm, and wants to sell you the steaks. Federal law says no. The same government that lets industrial meat packers process thousands of animals a day under “inspection” makes it illegal for that farmer to sell you a single pound of beef unless it goes through a USDA inspected plant first. The workaround? You have to buy the live animal (or a share of it), then pay a custom butcher who stamps every package “NOT FOR SALE.” Because apparently once the cow is dead and cut up, suddenly it’s too dangerous for free adults to trade. This isn’t about food safety. It’s about control and protecting the big processors who love the regulatory moat. Small farms get locked out, local meat gets scarce and expensive, and you’re left buying from the same four companies that run the system. A free country would let a farmer sell you the cow he raised. We don’t live in one.

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Formayor @Formayor2

8 days ago

Police ask for help in finding 16-year-old Hillsboro girl missing since Friday https://t.co/N8rH1oK045

Formayor @Formayor2

9 days ago

@StewPetersNet @realstewpeters Just wondering why you’re not on Apple podcasts anymore?

798

Formayor2 retweeted

Ricky Zaccaglino

@RickyTheGuido

10 days ago

"By getting rid of paper files and replacing them with digital ones, they can erase history. One day you'll encounter the message 'page not found,' and the next day you'll see them deny that it ever actually happened." - Julian Assange

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Rip Wheeler

@WheelerRipWA

9 days ago

The Dirty Little Secret of Wildfire How America Traded Logging Jobs for a Perpetual Firefighting Economy For much of the 20th century, the forests of the Pacific Northwest were managed as working landscapes. Private timber companies and federal land managers cut, planted, thinned, and tended the land with the understanding that the trees were an asset to be sustained across generations. Clearcuts functioned as firebreaks. Small crews routinely extinguished ignitions before they became news. The result was a regional economy built on living-wage jobs, steady tax revenue for schools and public safety, and forests that, for the most part, stayed green. Occasional fires occurred. What did not occur were the annual, multi-hundred-thousand-acre, smoke-choked seasons that have become the new normal. That changed in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The northern spotted owl was elevated into the most consequential bird in modern American policy. Scientists and environmental organizations argued that the species required large tracts of old-growth habitat. Petitions, lawsuits, and court orders followed. In June 1990 the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service listed the owl as threatened. Federal Judge William Dwyer’s rulings and the 1994 Northwest Forest Plan locked up roughly 24 million acres of federal forest across Oregon, Washington, and northern California. Federal timber harvests collapsed—often by 80 to 90 percent from 1980s levels in the key regions. Mills closed by the dozens. Supporting businesses disappeared. Unemployment surged. Some communities never fully recovered. Private industrial landowners continued managing their own ground because they still had direct financial skin in the game. Federal and state lands largely stopped being managed for timber production or for systematic fuel reduction at anything approaching the previous scale. The forests kept growing. Fuels kept accumulating. An ignition that once would have been contained by a small crew with shovels and a radio now found denser, more continuous fuel beds. Large fires (5,000 acres and up) went from relatively rare events in the 1970s to routine occurrences in the 2000s and 2010s. In multiple recent seasons, more timber has burned than the industry harvested in its heyday. The irony is difficult to miss: forests “saved” from chainsaws have been delivered to ash in far greater volume. Meanwhile, the northern spotted owl’s population has continued to decline across much of its range. Logging was never the primary driver. Competition from the invasive barred owl has proven far more significant, and habitat loss from high-severity fire now ranks high among the threats. The original crisis was urgent enough to trigger listing and sweeping land-use restrictions. The promised recovery under the Northwest Forest Plan has been, at best, incomplete. The economic and ecological bill arrived in the form of unmanaged fuels and repeated megafires. And that is where the dirty little secret begins. Once the timber economy on public land was kneecapped, a new industry rose to replace it. Wildland firefighting—suppression, logistics, aviation, camps, contracts, and the supporting apparatus—became a multi-billion-dollar annual enterprise. Agencies and contractors employ thousands. Budgets are large and sticky. In government, “use it or lose it” is not a slogan; it is an operating principle. A quiet fire season is a budgeting risk. Early, aggressive attack on every ignition that could still be handled by a small crew is expensive in the short term and reduces the later need for the full apparatus. Allowing fires to grow until they justify emergency declarations, large incident management teams, and federal cost-share arrangements is, from a certain bureaucratic perspective, rational and financially advantageous. Local structural firefighters and many ground-level wildland crews do not share this incentive structure. They want the fire out. Once a fire reaches a certain size or complexity, however, control shifts upward to state and federal incident management teams whose metrics, funding streams, and political realities are different. Neither major political party has shown a strong appetite for fixing the underlying problem. One side treats any expansion of active management or commercial thinning as an assault on old growth and the owl. The other side speaks frequently about forest health but rarely forces the structural changes in litigation risk, planning timelines, and budget incentives that would actually move the needle at scale. Campaign contributions and jobs flow from the existing system. Admitting that the original policy overcorrected and produced a more dangerous landscape remains politically costly. Climate change and longer fire seasons are real factors. Drier fuels and hotter summers make everything worse. But denser, less-managed forests on the public estate are the accelerant that policy deliberately chose. Private industrial lands are managed more intensively and still burn, yet the severity is generally lower. Young plantations and certain silvicultural choices create their own risks, but private owners retain a direct financial reason to keep fuels in check and respond quickly. Public lands under the post-owl regime largely do not. Oregon and the broader region now hold more trees than they did in the 1920s, largely because private landowners continued to replant. They also experience more catastrophic fire. The government did not “save” the forest. It changed who controlled the management decisions and, in the process, swapped a productive industry for a perpetual emergency-response industry. The owl was the symbol. The lasting result is a landscape that burns bigger, rural economies that never fully healed, and a political class with limited incentive to alter the arrangement. Instead of market-driven capital allocation, the new system runs on taxpayer subsidies. Households and businesses understand that money spent inefficiently is money gone. Government tends to treat the same dollars as an everlasting well. Until the incentives change—until early detection, aggressive initial attack, mechanical thinning where appropriate, and genuine long-term forest management are rewarded more than the sheer size of the suppression effort—the same pattern will continue every summer: more smoke, more lost timber, more money spent, and the same speeches about how hard everyone is fighting the fires that policy helped create.

WheelerRipWA's tweet photo. The Dirty Little Secret of Wildfire

How America Traded Logging Jobs for a Perpetual Firefighting Economy

For much of the 20th century, the forests of the Pacific Northwest were managed as working landscapes. Private timber companies and federal land managers cut, planted, thinned, and tended the land with the understanding that the trees were an asset to be sustained across generations. Clearcuts functioned as firebreaks. Small crews routinely extinguished ignitions before they became news. The result was a regional economy built on living-wage jobs, steady tax revenue for schools and public safety, and forests that, for the most part, stayed green.

Occasional fires occurred. What did not occur were the annual, multi-hundred-thousand-acre, smoke-choked seasons that have become the new normal.

That changed in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The northern spotted owl was elevated into the most consequential bird in modern American policy. Scientists and environmental organizations argued that the species required large tracts of old-growth habitat. Petitions, lawsuits, and court orders followed. In June 1990 the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service listed the owl as threatened. Federal Judge William Dwyer’s rulings and the 1994 Northwest Forest Plan locked up roughly 24 million acres of federal forest across Oregon, Washington, and northern California.

Federal timber harvests collapsed—often by 80 to 90 percent from 1980s levels in the key regions. Mills closed by the dozens. Supporting businesses disappeared. Unemployment surged. Some communities never fully recovered. Private industrial landowners continued managing their own ground because they still had direct financial skin in the game. Federal and state lands largely stopped being managed for timber production or for systematic fuel reduction at anything approaching the previous scale.

The forests kept growing. Fuels kept accumulating. An ignition that once would have been contained by a small crew with shovels and a radio now found denser, more continuous fuel beds. Large fires (5,000 acres and up) went from relatively rare events in the 1970s to routine occurrences in the 2000s and 2010s. In multiple recent seasons, more timber has burned than the industry harvested in its heyday. The irony is difficult to miss: forests “saved” from chainsaws have been delivered to ash in far greater volume.

Meanwhile, the northern spotted owl’s population has continued to decline across much of its range. Logging was never the primary driver. Competition from the invasive barred owl has proven far more significant, and habitat loss from high-severity fire now ranks high among the threats. The original crisis was urgent enough to trigger listing and sweeping land-use restrictions. The promised recovery under the Northwest Forest Plan has been, at best, incomplete.
The economic and ecological bill arrived in the form of unmanaged fuels and repeated megafires. And that is where the dirty little secret begins.

Once the timber economy on public land was kneecapped, a new industry rose to replace it. Wildland firefighting—suppression, logistics, aviation, camps, contracts, and the supporting apparatus—became a multi-billion-dollar annual enterprise. Agencies and contractors employ thousands. Budgets are large and sticky. In government, “use it or lose it” is not a slogan; it is an operating principle. A quiet fire season is a budgeting risk. Early, aggressive attack on every ignition that could still be handled by a small crew is expensive in the short term and reduces the later need for the full apparatus. Allowing fires to grow until they justify emergency declarations, large incident management teams, and federal cost-share arrangements is, from a certain bureaucratic perspective, rational and financially advantageous.

Local structural firefighters and many ground-level wildland crews do not share this incentive structure. They want the fire out. Once a fire reaches a certain size or complexity, however, control shifts upward to state and federal incident management teams whose metrics, funding streams, and political realities are different.

Neither major political party has shown a strong appetite for fixing the underlying problem. One side treats any expansion of active management or commercial thinning as an assault on old growth and the owl. The other side speaks frequently about forest health but rarely forces the structural changes in litigation risk, planning timelines, and budget incentives that would actually move the needle at scale. Campaign contributions and jobs flow from the existing system. Admitting that the original policy overcorrected and produced a more dangerous landscape remains politically costly.

Climate change and longer fire seasons are real factors. Drier fuels and hotter summers make everything worse. But denser, less-managed forests on the public estate are the accelerant that policy deliberately chose. Private industrial lands are managed more intensively and still burn, yet the severity is generally lower. Young plantations and certain silvicultural choices create their own risks, but private owners retain a direct financial reason to keep fuels in check and respond quickly. Public lands under the post-owl regime largely do not.

Oregon and the broader region now hold more trees than they did in the 1920s, largely because private landowners continued to replant. They also experience more catastrophic fire. The government did not “save” the forest. It changed who controlled the management decisions and, in the process, swapped a productive industry for a perpetual emergency-response industry. The owl was the symbol. The lasting result is a landscape that burns bigger, rural economies that never fully healed, and a political class with limited incentive to alter the arrangement. Instead of market-driven capital allocation, the new system runs on taxpayer subsidies.

Households and businesses understand that money spent inefficiently is money gone. Government tends to treat the same dollars as an everlasting well. Until the incentives change—until early detection, aggressive initial attack, mechanical thinning where appropriate, and genuine long-term forest management are rewarded more than the sheer size of the suppression effort—the same pattern will continue every summer: more smoke, more lost timber, more money spent, and the same speeches about how hard everyone is fighting the fires that policy helped create.

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Formayor2 retweeted

The Babylon Bibi

@TheBabylonBibi

10 days ago

MAHA!!

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Being Libertarian

@beinlibertarian

10 days ago

If it pleases the crown may I walk this baseball bat home after buying it?

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Oregon Patriot

@MilderAnn

11 days ago

Oregon business bankruptcies names and filing dates since Tina Kotek took office. This is a partial list drawn from public court trackers and news reports. Heniges Construction, LLC April 7, 2023 Hoodstock Enterprises, LLC May 14, 2023 Rollin Dirty LLC May 23, 2023 Country Cmns LLC June 20, 2023 Heritage Specialty Foods, LLC June 23, 2023 Saturno Design, LLC July 3, 2023 Vaughn Environmental, Inc. July 17, 2023 Sovereign Fields LLC August 31, 2023 South Coast Holdings, LLC September 11, 2023 Bob Belloni Ranch, Inc. September 15, 2023 Big Valley Builders, Inc. October 18, 2023 West Coast Hospitality Group, LLC October 27, 2023 Swift Couriers, Inc. October 31, 2023 Fortress Property Management, Inc. November 6, 2023 The Commission PDX, LLC November 13, 2023 Innings 150, LLC November 13, 2023 Backforty Ventures, LLC November 29, 2023 Magno, L.L.C. December 6, 2023 https://t.co/8rzMbRGCUA LLC December 8, 2023 Wizard, LLC December 21, 2023 Twistappel Ciderworks, LLC January 4, 2024 Willamette Valley Hops, LLC January 19, 2024 Zephyr Stoves Inc. March 14, 2024 Alpha Contractors LLC May 31, 2024 Janzen Legal Services, LLC – June 11, 2024 Reach Break LLC June 14, 2024 Wimmer Excavating, Inc. June 19, 2024 Green Oregon Enterprises, Inc. July 12, 2024 Attis Farms, LLC July 31, 2024 Phil’s Meat Market & Delicatessen, LLC August 26, 2024 Aero Teardrops LLC August 26, 2024 Prestige Motors, LLC September 4, 2024 Green Mart, LLC September 6, 2024 CapTen Enterprises Inc. September 27, 2024 Mine Farm Buy LLC September 27, 2024 Rite-Way Heating & Air Conditioning Inc. September 30, 2024 Montana Prescott Holdings LLC September 19, 2024 Hagen Construction LLC September 20, 2024 Azure Sky Leasing Inc. December 2, 2024 Allan’s Coffee & Tea, Inc. December 3, 2024 Richardson Creek, LLC December 18, 2024 Vitalidad Movement Arts Center, LLC February 10, 2025 Sherwood Hospitality Group, LLC February 17, 2025 Team MUV Fitness Troutdale LLC February 17, 2025 Metatron Health LLC February 20, 2025 Iron Shield, LLC March 6, 2025 H&T 19th Ave. Properties, LLC March 20, 2025 Monforte, Inc. March 27, 2025 Exceltech One, Inc March 11, 2025 Tillamook Biogas, LLC April 18, 2025 H.O.T. LLC April 25, 2025 Alina Investment LLC, May 15, 2025 Ben Fackler Construction, Inc. May 15, 2025 Green Property Concepts, LLC May 27, 2025 Good Life, Inc. June 10, 2025 Rogue Smoothies, Inc. June 25, 2025 SICDRONE, INC July 2, 2025 Ninja Mountain Bike Performance, LLC July 10, 2025 Cross Town Movers, Inc. July 11, 2025 Wildfang Holdings LLC July 16, 2025 Top Rock Construction Services LLC July 31, 2025 Intevant LLC August 22, 2025 C-Channel Lofts, LLC August 19, 2025 Beyond Pulse, Inc. September 15, 2025 Oregon Construction 360 LLC September 30, 2025 Blackburn & Wynne Inc. October 1, 2025 Knitted Wit LLC October 17, 2025 Cushing Concepts LLC October 24, 2025 Hi Papa, Inc. October 28, 2025 Northwest Waterproofing LLC November 20, 2025 Oregon Brewing Company (Rogue Ales & Spirits parent) November 24, 2025 Rogue River Brewing Company November 24, 2025 Yaquina Bay Beverage Company November 24, 2025 Madison Furniture Inc. December 4, 2025 Columbia Components, Inc. December 8, 2025 Redefyne Moving, LLC December 9, 2025 Dairy Building, LLC December 15, 2025 Anderson Bio Group, LLC December 15, 2025 Tricor Print Communications, Inc. December 19, 2025 Kreasion LLC December 31, 2025 Sunrise Reforestation, Inc. January 12, 2026 Angelina’s Greek Gyros DT LLC January 29, 2026 The Green Seed LLC January 29, 2026 Dave Keyte Trading LLC January 30, 2026 Nineteen27 Smores LLC February 3, 2026 The Good Citizen, LLC February 7, 2026 Qualtik, Inc. February 17, 2026 Enlighten Financial LLC February 17, 2026 Independence Beverages, LLC February 19, 2026 Brink Investments, Inc. February 25, 2026

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Formayor @Formayor2

12 days ago

CAN YOU HELP? Oregon DHS looks for 3 missing boys from Prineville Oregon https://t.co/tnVg5SNVUR

Formayor2 retweeted

Scott Horton

@scotthortonshow

13 days ago

What barbarians/government school victims Americans still are 8 decades later. Every year I post Ike, McArthur, Leahy, LeMay, Macnamara, Hoover, Arnold, Nimitz, Nitze, etc. etc., saying it was wrong/unnecessary to nuke Japan. And every year the comments are all, "Nu-uh!"

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Formayor @Formayor2

13 days ago

@RepThomasMassie https://t.co/ygASL0s2dM

Iraqveteran8888

@Iraqveteran8888

14 days ago

Will the government be refunding all the tax stamps illegally collected from gun owners? @ATFDirectorRC

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Iraqveteran8888

@Iraqveteran8888

14 days ago

Will the government be refunding all the tax stamps illegally collected from gun owners? @ATFDirectorRC

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Formayor2 retweeted

Dr. Simon

@goddek

16 days ago

Never forget.

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Thrilla the Gorilla

@ThrillaRilla369

16 days ago

Never Forget.. The government did more to stop the distribution of ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine than it ever did to stop the distribution of fentanyl..

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