Holy F-ing shit. You simply have to listen to this.
THIS is an absolute bombshell!
This is EXACTLY the world we live in today. She nailed it.
Hannah Arend: They Don't Need You to Believe (1967)
Most of the trolls who attack me seem to think bringing up the atomic bombs will somehow hurt my feelings because I'm Japanese.
I hate to disappoint you, gentlemen, but it doesn't work.
Not even a little.
Since some of you seem genuinely confused, allow me to explain.
1. We don't lose arguments to insults.
In Japan, you win an argument with logic, evidence, and facts.
If you can prove me wrong, I'll respect you.
If you just scream "HIROSHIMA!" like a three-year-old who dropped his ice cream, I'm afraid you've accomplished very little.
Except perhaps alarming the neighbors.
2. We actually study our own history.
For my generation, World War II is ancient history.
For 80 years, Japanese schools have taught us that Imperial Japan started a reckless war against an America it had virtually no chance of defeating.
And most of us grew up thinking, "Well, that was an extraordinarily stupid idea."
You cannot humiliate someone by announcing a historical fact they've been studying since childhood.
That's not an insult.
That's a failed history quiz.
3. We love democracy.
Modern Japanese people believe deeply in freedom and democracy.
We also understand that ordinary Japanese citizens lived under a militarist government they had little power to resist.
So when you mock modern Japan for what its wartime rulers did, you're essentially yelling at the grandchildren for their grandparents' government.
A fascinating intellectual achievement.
4. We know exactly what freedom is worth.
Japan spent centuries fighting internal wars before eventually becoming a unified nation.
It later fell under an authoritarian, militarist government.
After defeat, we finally built the liberal democracy we have today.
And we have absolutely no intention of surrendering it.
You think reminding us of that defeat is humiliating?
It's a reminder of how much our country has changed.
5. We don't dream of revenge.
When Japanese people remember Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the overwhelming sentiment isn't "Let's get revenge on America."
It's "We never want anyone, anywhere, to suffer something like that again."
Imagine trying to insult people with a tragedy they've turned into a commitment to peace.
You're not exactly landing the punch you think you are.
6. Losing to America isn't the devastating insult you imagine.
America has unmatched global military power, and countless nations have experienced its power directly or indirectly.
Japan fought the United States and lost.
Yes.
We know.
It's in the textbooks.
It's in the museums.
It's been in the history books for eight decades.
Repeating "YOU LOST!" as if you've personally uncovered a classified military secret is rather adorable.
Do you also run around informing British people that the American colonies declared independence?
7. And finally, a word to my beloved trolls.
I've taken the trouble to explain all this in seven carefully numbered points.
Unfortunately, I suspect some of you have already exhausted your reading capacity somewhere around point two.
If your entire historical argument consists of typing "NUKE JAPAN" in capital letters, please understand that I'm not experiencing emotional devastation.
I'm simply observing what appears to be a remarkably confident piece of dog poop that has somehow acquired internet access.
But do carry on.
It's always fascinating when something with absolutely nothing to say insists on saying it so loudly.
Walter Kirn just exposed how the elites control your mind with fear.
“They have actually looked at the frontal lobe as a piece of real estate.”
“And they are constantly occupying it.”
“You aren’t allowed to live in your own mind anymore.”
“You haven’t been thinking for yourself.”
“Adam Townsend… is a former Goldman Sachs trader.”
“And he has a theory about what’s going on and why this election was such a wipeout.”
“Your mind is being occupied by a series of outrages.”
“Abominations.”
“Traumas.”
“And challenges.”
“That do not allow you to think.”
“Two days ago, before the election, you were told there was going to be a nuclear war.”
“Tucker Carlson came out and said, there’s an imminent nuclear exchange about to go on in Iran.”
“And I realized that we have been subject to now for months, years… to a series of scares that each of which has come to nothing.”
“Will AI break out and take over the traffic lights of America, causing massive gridlock or collisions all at once?”
“I say we’re gonna have to resist frontal lobe occupation.”
“Laugh at every disaster.”
“Is this not the essential lesson of Covid?”
“To fear not?”
@walterkirn
I think we're entering a civilizational rupture that nobody can predict. Not me, not the labs, not governments.
I don't know how much people realize how fast we're moving.
Look at what Anthropic's new model did during testing.
It solved two open problems in theoretical physics, both on black holes. One of the calculations was laid out in 2003 and nobody had ever finished it, because it was too laborious.
It formalized the proof of Fermat's Last Theorem in 30 hours, with a thousand agents that organized themselves. The first attempt took 11 days.
It wrote an operating system that boots on a laptop, starting from an empty folder, in 8 days.
It designed three electronic devices, boards, enclosures and software included. All three worked without a single electrical modification.
It found a new method to predict the structure of viral capsids, the shells used to deliver gene therapies.
And on robot control, it more than doubled the previous version's score.
All of that in a single announcement, on a Monday.
I think discoveries are going to stack up so fast that they'll produce an abundance we've never known: energy, health, materials, food. And with it a phase of immense joy, the joy of a civilization realizing that scarcity was never a law of nature.
Except that joy is going to land in a world order that's cracking everywhere, and that was designed by Malthusians. People convinced that resources are finite, that there are too many of us, and that the job of an enlightened elite is to manage scarcity on everyone else's behalf.
To me, Bill Gates is the most famous face of that worldview: a man nobody elected, who has weighed on the planet's health, agriculture and climate policies for twenty years. The degrowth crowd is the militant version. They don't even want to manage scarcity anymore, they want to organize it.
Abundance is the worst possible news for that worldview. If energy becomes nearly free and diseases fall one after another, nobody needs anyone to ration anything for them.
So I don't think they'll fight it. I think they'll try to capture it.
In the name of safety, climate or public health, we'll be told this power is too dangerous to be left in everyone's hands. We already saw the movie during Covid: the permission slips, the passes, the QR code to go get a coffee. Now imagine the same logic with an AI that can see everything, trace everything and decide everything in real time. Orwell never imagined a tool like that.
The technology is winning on its own. The question of the next ten years is who abundance will belong to.
We are living through the greatest civilizational revolution in human history. It's happening right now, and most people are looking the other way.
My dear American friends, yesterday I showed you an email. Today I want to show you what comes after, because history has already written this chapter many times, and every time in blood.
Every Marxist revolution goes after the same first target. Not the army, and not the rich. It goes after the people who think.
Lenin understood it early. In 1922 he put Russia's leading philosophers, scientists and writers on ships and expelled them. Many of those who stayed were shot or sent to the camps. In 1940, in the forest of Katyn, Stalin's secret police executed around 22,000 Polish prisoners: officers, but also doctors, lawyers, engineers, teachers and priests. A nation's educated class was killed one by one, each with a bullet in the back of the head.
Mao perfected the method.
In 1956 he launched the Hundred Flowers campaign. "Let a hundred flowers bloom." He invited China's intellectuals to speak freely and to criticize the Party. They believed him, and they spoke. A year later the trap closed. The Anti-Rightist Campaign branded more than half a million people as enemies. Professors, writers, engineers and doctors lost their careers and their families, and many were sent to labor camps they never left.
Mao was proud of it. In 1958 he compared himself to the First Emperor of China, who was infamous for burying 460 scholars alive. Mao boasted that the Communists had buried 46,000.
His masterpiece came in 1966, with the Cultural Revolution. This time he didn't need the police. He used children.
Schools were closed and students became Red Guards. Their teachers were dragged onto stages for "struggle sessions." Their heads were shaved, placards were hung around their necks, and they were forced to kneel while crowds beat and spat on them. In August 1966 Lao She, one of the greatest writers in modern Chinese literature, was beaten by Red Guards. The next day he was found drowned in a lake in Beijing. That same month, at a girls' school in Beijing, students beat their vice principal Bian Zhongyun to death.
Then the revolution entered the home. Children learned a slogan: "Father and mother are dear, but not as dear as Chairman Mao." Sons denounced fathers and daughters denounced mothers. Zhang Hongbing was 16 when he reported his own mother, and she was executed. A child turning on his parents was celebrated as the highest form of virtue.
Once the Red Guards had done the dirty work, Mao discarded them too. From 1968 on, around 17 million young people were sent to the countryside to "learn from the peasants." A whole generation lost its education, its youth and often its sanity. The revolution devours its own children, every single time.
Cambodia, 1975. The Khmer Rouge emptied the cities in days. Glasses, soft hands, speaking French: any of these could mark you as an intellectual, and being an intellectual could get you killed. In four years roughly a quarter of the population was dead.
Look at the pattern, because it never changes. First, convince the young that the world is rotten and the old are guilty. Second, silence or destroy the people who could contradict the story. Third, break the family so that the only loyalty left is to the cause. Fourth, give the young power. Fifth, when they've finished the dirty work, throw them away.
I am not telling you America is China in 1966. I'm telling you the first steps look familiar. Careers are destroyed over a single opinion. Professors sign ideological pledges just to get hired. Children are taught to see their parents as bigots and their country's history as nothing but a list of crimes. Political violence is excused online, and sometimes even celebrated. Every year it gets a little more radical, and every year the people who warn about it are called alarmists.
This is not a left versus right debate. Reasonable people can disagree about tax rates, healthcare or trade, and that's politics. What I'm describing is something else. It's an ideology that has killed tens of millions of people in the last century, and it always starts by promising justice to the young. We should call it what it is: evil.
You fight evil by refusing to become it. Teach real history. Defend free speech, especially for the people you disagree with. Protect the teachers and parents who refuse to bow. Above all, give young people something to own, build and defend, so that no one can sell them the fire.
I come from a continent that has already lived this story. Please don't let your children write the next chapter.
@sailrstarscream My brain sees sock, sun, mop, mitten, six and seal. The directions Ssay to color each picture whose name begins with the s sound, implying that not all of them do. Logic problem. Great test!
Satellite images reveal the colossal scale of our water planet and its endless oceans.
All the oceans, lakes, rivers, and glacial ice combined occupy 75% of the Earth's surface. It is the brooding inertia of the oceans that forms the ancient engine room of global climate—a massive fluid flywheel that dwarfed human industrial activity long before our first chimneys began to smoke.
The oceans have an average depth of 2.3 miles and weigh 1,000 times more than the atmosphere. Deep ocean currents dictate levels of water vapor and cloud cover across 68% of the skies at any given moment, while the interplay of seas, landforms, and latitude drives the trade winds and storm tracks.
Crucially, the oceans hold 86% of the world's carbon reservoir and 91% of its mobile heat energy, which currents transport toward the frigid poles to temper the planet’s cold extremes. The thin envelope of atmosphere above holds only a fraction of a percent of each.
Because of this tremendous thermal capacity, the oceans don't react on political timelines; they absorb, smooth and delay thermal changes over centuries, acting as a planetary buffer against rapid atmospheric shocks.
We live in an ocean-dominated, ice-age world. Earth is still technically in the Late Cenozoic Ice Age, which began 34 million years ago with the glaciation of Antarctica. Roughly 10% of the world's total land area remains permanently capped by glacial ice—spanning 15 million square kilometres.
Antarctica alone holds roughly 90% of global ice volume and stands as the largest single source of freshwater on Earth. Spanning 14 million square kilometers—8.3% of the world's land surface—its ice sheet extends up to 4.8 kilometers (3 miles) deep.
All human civilisation, agriculture and technological progress—every written word, every skyscraper—unfolded within the past 11,700 years of the warm Holocene interglacial period. This brief warm period is merely one episode among more than 30 glacial and interglacial cycles over the broader Quaternary Glaciation of the last 2.58 million years.
Today's modest warming of 1.1°–1.4°C over 250 years is an incremental drift within a vast geological system. The world is not enduring stifling heat reminiscent of past hothouse peaks; instead, we inhabit a benign global average temperature of 15°C—well below the 18°C to 26°C baselines that characterised most of Earth’s biological history. Deep time puts modern atmospheric alarm out of sync with physical reality.
Yet, ignoring this vast planetary flywheel, global policy over the last four decades shifted from managing tangible conservation to attempting economic micro-management of the atmosphere itself. Led by an alignment of unelected powerbrokers, financial institutions, and corporate leaders, the narrative demanded an immediate, total restructuring of human infrastructure.
Nations were urged to replace energy-dense coal, oil, and gas with intermittent wind turbines and solar collectors. Yet after 40 years of heavy subsidies and mandates, hydrocarbon fuels still supply 81% of all global primary energy, while wind and solar account for just 6.5%.
Attempting to engineer a complete retreat from high-density fuels while ignoring the sheer physical scale of the earth system carries a staggering cost. The predicted price tag to transform the global grid and force this transition stands at $275 trillion (McKinsey, 2022)—roughly 2.5 times total global annual GDP.
It represents an unprecedented financial commitment to re-engineer civilisation, driven by an economic plan that continuously underestimates the vast physical realities of the planet it seeks to control.
Ludwig von Mises sat down in 1920 and published a paper that ended the intellectual case for socialism, even if the socialists took another seven decades to notice.
The argument was precise. Mises showed that without private ownership of the means of production, there are no real prices for capital goods. Without prices, you cannot calculate profit and loss. Without profit and loss, economic planners have no way of knowing whether they are creating value or destroying it. They are flying blind, spending real resources with no feedback mechanism telling them whether the factory, the railway, or the grain depot was worth building. Every allocation becomes a guess dressed up as a decree.
This, he called the Socialist Calculation Problem, and nobody answered it. Oskar Lange tried in 1936, proposing that socialist planners could simulate prices by trial and error. Mises read this and was unimpressed (charitably put). Lange assumed you could reproduce the function of market prices without the institution that generates them: private property, genuine exchange, real skin in the game. You cannot fake the signal and expect accurate information.
The Soviet Union spent seventy years proving Mises right. Chronic shortages, misallocated steel, surplus winter boots in Georgia in July, famine engineered by committees convinced they understood grain supply better than the price system. The USSR collapsed in 1991 under the weight of precisely the inefficiencies Mises predicted in Vienna in 1920.
You are watching this play out again today, every time a government sets energy prices, rent ceilings, or pharmaceutical price caps, and then expresses shock at the resulting shortages. The calculation problem did not expire with the Soviet Union. Bureaucrats who override price signals recreate the same blindness Mises identified. Mises told you exactly what would happen.