Scotland's Hate Crime Act comes into effect today. Women gain no additional protections, of course, but well-known trans activist Beth Douglas, darling of prominent Scottish politicians, falls within a protected category. Phew! 1/11
My dear Western friends, many of whom I know have good hearts and sincerely support humanitarian causes, including the Palestinian cause:
please hear this from someone who knows the Middle East deeply.
It is entirely noble to support Palestinians in their aspiration to live with dignity, security, and prosperity alongside Israel.
It is noble to mourn innocent Palestinian lives lost in war, just as it is noble to mourn innocent Israeli lives.
But what is neither noble nor compassionate is supporting a terrorist movement disguised as a humanitarian cause especially one that openly or indirectly calls for the annihilation of another state and an entire people.
This is what I call suicidal empathy: compassion detached from judgment, directed toward an ideology that would eventually turn against the very freedoms and societies protecting it.
The moment you wear their symbols and celebrate their slogans, and want to âfreeâ them by annihilating others (this is what their slogan means), remember that good intentions do not make an evil ideology good.
Supporting evil does not make you virtuous. It makes you a fool.
Youâre welcome. đč
The Polite Antisemite
The other day, I had a conversation that stuck with me longer than it should have.
Not because it was loud. Not because it was aggressive. Quite the opposite.
It was calm. Measured. Thoughtful, even. The kind of conversation where someone leans in slightly, lowers their voice, and signals that they are one of the reasonable ones. The kind of tone that makes you think, *this is going to be a good conversation.*
And somewhere between âitâs complicatedâ and âyou have to understand the context,â I felt that familiar shift. That moment where the words sound intelligent, but something underneath them doesnât sit right.
Thatâs when it clicked.
Antisemitism didnât disappear. It got polite.
I used to think antisemitism had a uniform. Loud, obvious, unapologetic. The kind of hate that announces itself before you even sit down. You knew what you were dealing with immediately. There was no confusion, no decoding required.
That version was easy. Easy to spot. Easy to reject. Easy to fight.
But the version weâre dealing with now doesnât look like that anymore. It doesnât shout. It explains. It doesnât accuse. It reframes. It doesnât come at you with anger. It comes at you with concern.
And that makes it much harder to confront.
Todayâs antisemite doesnât think they hate Jews. In fact, they would be offended by the suggestion. They see themselves as informed, as ethical, as someone trying to navigate a complicated issue with nuance and care.
They use better words now.
They say things like, âI donât hate Jews, I just oppose Zionism.â They tell you theyâre against all nationalism, that theyâre standing on principle, that they just want justice. And if you didnât know better, if you werenât paying close attention, you might even believe them.
And then you start to notice the pattern in what they share, what they amplify, what they sign their name to.
They share the viral cartoon of the Star of David crushing a dove. They retweet the academic who calls October 7th âresistanceâ while adding a solemn âcontextâ disclaimer. They sign the open letter that treats Jewish studentsâ fear as a PR problem rather than a moral emergency.
None of it feels like hate to them.
It feels like analysis.
Because the hostility didnât disappear.
It just got a vocabulary upgrade.
Try something simple.
Pick any peoples on earth. The French. The Japanese. The Nigerians. It doesnât matter who.
Now say this sentence out loud: they donât deserve a country.
It feels wrong immediately. Not complicated. Not nuanced. Just wrong.
Now replace that group with Jews.
Suddenly, itâs a discussion. Suddenly, itâs layered. Suddenly, itâs something people debate on panels, write essays about, and defend as a serious moral position.
Same sentence. Different reaction.
That gap is where the polite antisemite lives.
They donât deny Jewish suffering. That would be too crude.
Instead, they acknowledge it⊠and then qualify it.
âYes, what happened was terrible,â theyâll say.
âButââ
That single word does enormous work. It sounds thoughtful. It sounds fair.
Jews are attacked. Yes, but.
Jews are murdered. Yes, but.
Jews are taken hostage. Yes, but.
Notice the pattern: the âbutâ never travels in the other direction.
And if you push back, if you refuse to accept the framing, the conversation shifts again.
Now youâre the problem.
Now youâre emotional. Now youâre biased. Now youâre not engaging in good faith. Itâs a remarkably effective reversal. Jews get attacked, and somehow Jews end up defending themselves not just physically, but morally.
Again.
To be clear, because clarity matters: criticizing Israel is not antisemitism. Israel is a country like any other. Its policies canâand shouldâbe debated, condemned, or defended. That is normal.
But when criticism becomes obsessive, when Israel is held to standards no other nation faces, when the Jewish peopleâs right to self-determination is treated as uniquely illegitimate, then we have left the realm of policy and entered the realm of prejudice.
In practice, this is easy to spot: no other countryâs very existence is considered negotiable.
What makes the polite version so dangerous is that the person expressing it genuinely believes they are on the right side of history. They see themselves as someone standing up for justice, for human rights, for morality.
They likely have a track record of supporting other causes. They have said the right things at the right times. They have shown up when it was expected.
And then, when Jews were slaughtered, kidnapped, burned alive, they paused just long enough to process it⊠and then arrived at the same familiar conclusion.
Anti-Zionism presents itself as something new. Something sophisticated. A modern moral framework built on principles and global awareness.
It isnât.
It is something much older, translated into a language that feels more acceptable. It is antisemitism that learned how to pass a college seminar. It uses the vocabulary of human rights, but it consistently arrives at the same endpoint.
Jews, uniquely among all peoples, do not get sovereignty.
No state. No control over their own safety. No right to determine their own future.
History has tested that idea before. Repeatedly.
The results are not theoretical.
The polite antisemite will tell you they are advocating for peace. But their version of peace always seems to require the same thing. Jews giving something up. Land. Security. Safety. Sometimes more than that.
Always something.
Because in that framework, Jewish power is the problem. Jewish self-defense is the problem. Jewish independence is the problem.
Jewish vulnerability, on the other hand, is something they can live with.
And maybe thatâs the part that lingers.
Not the anger. Not even the hypocrisy.
The calmness.
The quiet certainty that whatâs being said is not only acceptable, but moral.
But Jews have a long memory.
Weâve heard versions of this before. Different words, different settings, different centuries. But the underlying message has a familiar shape.
It always ends in the same place.
You can dress it up. You can soften the language. You can wrap it in academic jargon, human-rights rhetoric, and carefully chosen words.
But if your worldview ultimately holds that Jews are the only people on earth who should not have a country, then nothing fundamental has changed.
You may feel nuanced.
You may feel principled.
You may feel morally sophisticated.
Youâre not.
Youâre just polite about it.
And polite hate is still hate.
âI killed myself to give the Palestinians a state.â
Bill Clinton
They turned down 97% of the West Bank, all of Gaza, and land swaps.
Yet the world still pretends the only obstacle to peace is Israel.
Watch.
Seeing long term friends calling you âa baby killerâ or âgenocide supporterâ just because you are Jewish makes you realise how easily the Holocaust was allowed to happen. The question is have they always been secretly antisemitic and this is the excuse they have been waiting for?
đšExclusive: I acquired hundreds of EDI training documents from police forces around the country in the wake of Henry Nowack murder. Both the cost and quality of the materials we uncovered were genuinely shocking. Read my investigation for more details https://t.co/ZkDvL4xUpF
đšExclusive: I acquired hundreds of EDI training documents from police forces around the country in the wake of Henry Nowack murder. Both the cost and quality of the materials we uncovered were genuinely shocking. Read my investigation for more details https://t.co/ZkDvL4xUpF
âThe documents also reveal that officers at Northamptonshire Police are being taught that Brexit is to blame for a rise in far-Right hate, while officers at City of London Police have agreed to host a âlistening circleâ about Gaza.â
Dear @BBCNews - He raped a child. A 13yr old girl. He's a pedophile. Start using the correct words https://t.co/PZXKjWLQd8 and if he's fit enough to rape he's fit enough to go to jail.
I am taking legal action against my trade union, Unite, for discrimination, harassment and victimisation due to my gender critical beliefs.
I would be very grateful if you could share my crowdfunder and donate if you are able.
https://t.co/EtVtFS1EA0
Thank you so much đ
I've supported this case. Unions should be working to support women discriminated against at work, but instead they've been doing the discriminating. If we can get them back in line it'll really help
Nigerian man gives his testimony after the massacre of his village: "all the houses were set on fire and all our grain was burned. This morning we buried 29 people". Why is no one protesting for them?
To Those Who Compare Gaza to the Holocaust
After years of suffering, starvation and disease in the ghettos, the Nazis offered desperate Jews a way out.
They promised them jobs and a better future. They told them they were being relocated to labor camps where they could support their families.
Believing they had finally found hope, the Jews boarded the trains. Those trains took them to extermination camps.
Upon arrival, they were told they would first take a âdisinfection showerâ before entering the work camp. The gas chambers were disguised as shower rooms.
Many only realized they had been deceived when the gas started flowing.
That was systematic, industrialized murder built on the intent to exterminate an entire people.
In Gaza, when Israel wants to target Hamas infrastructure, it evacuates entire neighborhoods in advance, even though this gives Hamas time to escape.
Israel does this specifically to minimize civilian casualties.
These two realities are fundamentally different.
Comparing them dishonors the memory of the victims of the Holocaust.
To Those Who Compare Gaza to the Holocaust
After years of suffering, starvation and disease in the ghettos, the Nazis offered desperate Jews a way out.
They promised them jobs and a better future. They told them they were being relocated to labor camps where they could support their families.
Believing they had finally found hope, the Jews boarded the trains. Those trains took them to extermination camps.
Upon arrival, they were told they would first take a âdisinfection showerâ before entering the work camp. The gas chambers were disguised as shower rooms.
Many only realized they had been deceived when the gas started flowing.
That was systematic, industrialized murder built on the intent to exterminate an entire people.
In Gaza, when Israel wants to target Hamas infrastructure, it evacuates entire neighborhoods in advance, even though this gives Hamas time to escape.
Israel does this specifically to minimize civilian casualties.
These two realities are fundamentally different.
Comparing them dishonors the memory of the victims of the Holocaust.
đ§”Every article by so-called âgenocide experts" without exception fabricate or grossly misrepresent quotes by Israeli leaders to invent the required âspecial intentâ for genocide. This week it was Omer Bartov; before it was Raz Segal, Daniel Blatman & Amos Goldberg. More detail: