Oracle named Suella

[Oracle named Suella @LoriKeya]

Question/s for the day: is society rapidly rationalising for efficiency and if so, can woke politics represent an 'anti-efficiency' counter response. Is woke activity essentially streamlining our institutions in favour of the unproductive?

[M-Dub 🇺🇲🇺🇲🇺🇲 @WIclassic]

Turns out the British police have been essentially saying "I don't think you have, mate" to hundreds of thousands of underage girls for decades.

[Inconigto @1nc0nito_]

@RupertLowe10 Their strategy is simple and disgusting:
1. IMPORT mass migration
2. IGNORE the grooming gangs & chaos
3. EXPAND state control

[Maradona🩷 @Angelin2295]

@w_terrence @elonmusk 🤷‍♀️why

[Holly Grayle @HollyGrayle]

The only way to hold a fractured, sectarian (i.e., 'multicultural') society together is through tyranny.

You can have freedom, or you can have multiculturalism. But you can't have both.

[Brian @Pyramid_Death]

@JohnCleese He spoke out against the pro stabbing crowd!

[Jon de Linde @Jondelinde]

@JohnCleese No.

He merely pointed out statistics and empirical data.

In Starmers UK, thats "subversive" and "divisive".

[Natalie F Danelishen @Chesschick01]

@elonmusk @libsoftiktok

[Paul Embery @PaulEmbery]

Here’s the problem. The liberal political class wants us to treat atrocities like Belfast as single, random, isolated incidents. “Yes, it’s horrific, but don’t overreact,” they say. “Let the police do their job. Justice will be delivered. Let’s remain united,” and so on.

But the public can see that such incidents *aren’t* random or isolated. They are, in fact, all the consequence of massive state failure in the area of asylum and immigration. All roads lead back there.

That’s why people are angry.. They are sick of the platitudes that get trotted out after each fresh incident. They don’t want to hear them anymore. They know that the decisions of establishment politicians have brought us to this current pass, and they don’t trust those same politicians to fix things, especially when some of them refuse to even recognise that the public’s anger is justified.

There has been a huge vibe shift in recent years. Imagine - God forbid - there were another 7/7. Does anyone think the public response would be anything like as restrained as it was then? We are in really dangerous territory.

The public don’t want flowers and candles and “Don’t let them divide us.” They want someone who says, “I recognise that the state has failed abjectly. We have allowed far too many people to settle in the country without knowing who they truly are. It has disrupted your communities. Your anger is justified. And I will do everything in my power to put things right.”

Any politician unwilling to articulate that message, fully and sincerely, is effectively sanctioning more years of growing social disharmony and discord. Things cannot heal until those in power recognise the extent of the problem and what it will take to fix it. And, on both counts, most of them don’t.

That’s why the next few years are going to be very, very turbulent.

[Sohrab Ahmari 🇺🇸 @SohrabAhmari]

As a journalist, I embedded with multiple groups of migrants during 2015-16 "Syrian" wave (only about a third were fleeing the civil war in Syria, from my observation). I even lived in a smuggler's safe house in Istanbul, waiting for weather conditions to permit a dinghy crossing from Izmir to Lesbos.

I went into that experience basically an open-borders person and left a restrictionist. Merkel's flinging the gates to more than 1 million newcomers was madness, sheer madness.

Even if these were the most aspirational migrants imaginable --- and they weren't, gotta be honest --- the numbers, the cultural distance, and the conditions of European society should've prompted a rethink. But no. Wir schaffen das.

I tried to put myself in the shoes of native working classes in the transit countries (the Balkans, Hungary, etc.) and the recipients (Germany, Sweden, etc.). It was obvious that they would experience it as a cataclysm.

Even if most wouldn't become victims of crime, this many newcomers were bound to generate acute incohesion experienced at the street, social services, and housing levels, mostly burdening the native poor and those on the lower rungs of the labor market.

The engine of assimilation, not particularly robust in most of Europe to begin with, breaks down in the face of sheer numbers. In retrospect, I've come to believe that this was the single worst and most consequential decision taken by European leaders in the 21st century.

I don't understand it. I remember @DouglasKMurray telling me at the early stages that the best way to help was in-country, meaning humanitarian assitance in the Middle East and North Africa, not by bringing them over. He was 100% correct.

[Wounds my Heart @WoundsmyHeart]

@RichardDawkins @LozzaFox

[Melbourne Reclamation. 🇦🇺 @not_stroking]

@RichardDawkins

[Lee Hurst @LeeHurstComic]

For maximum UK police protection.

[Knigge 𖥧☧𖥧 @butY2K]

@MartinSellner_

[Peter Jensen🇩🇰 @IamGrokDK]

@MartinSellner_

[Isaac @isaacrrr7]

🚨🇬🇧 La policía ignoró a los inmigrantes que acosaban a una mujer en su casa y luego la amenazó con arrestarla por "odio racial" si denunciaba los hechos. Ahora, el hombre que lo expuso está esposado.

Una mujer fue acosada en su casa por inmigrantes. Acudió a la policía, pero no hicieron nada.

Cuando dijo que acudiría a la prensa, la amenazaron con arrestarla por "incitar al odio racial".

Un periodista ciudadano @ActivePatriotUK publicó información al respecto y fue arrestado por "comunicación maliciosa".

Lo retuvieron hasta las 11 de la noche, le confiscaron el teléfono y lo pusieron en libertad bajo fianza durante 3 meses con condiciones estrictas que no puede mencionar.

Esta es la realidad del Reino Unido hoy.

[John Gillam @thinkingclasses]

England faces a civilisational predicament of historic proportions, in no small part because we have forgotten our own history; or, indeed, have been made to forget it.

Episode One of The Call of England, 'The Foundations', is out now, a documentary travelogue retracing H.V. Morton's journey 100 years ago to understand the English people, the people who made England, to find what remains of old England, and what has been lost in the emergence of a new one.

A century ago, H.V. Morton drove east out of London in search of England and he could find it everywhere.

I drove the same road and found that the country has been transformed almost beyond recognition, whether demographically, spiritually, architecturally, and in ways that few nations, indeed, perhaps none, in history have experienced.

Watch and subscribe below.

[Chris Boid @chrisboid]

Britain is consuming an inheritance built by earlier generations. The visible failures across many domains have a common origin.

The inheritance has a name in this series. We have been calling it the substrate. Substrate is what the current way Britain runs assumes but does not produce. It is a capacity, made of several elements operating together.

A shared moral grammar, so people roughly agree what is good and what is wrong without needing every case written into law.
A belief in something larger than oneself, so people defer immediate gratification for the sake of children, community, future generations.
Long time horizons, so commitments outlive convenience.
Community accountability, so behaviour is regulated by people who know each other before it is regulated by formal rules.
Intergenerational continuity, so children are raised by people who know what they are passing on.

None of these are produced by the state. They are produced by family, faith, voluntary association, settled neighbourhood, slow custom. They accumulate across generations. They thin in years.

When was the substrate strongest? Roughly the 1800s into the early 1900s. The current settlement, the dominant way Britain has been governed since 1945, inherited it intact, built the modern welfare state on top of it, and assumed it would persist as a background fact of British life.
It hasn't.
The settlement has been consuming the substrate for eighty years without reproducing it.

The numbers tell the same story across different proxies. In 1851 the government's only religious census found around half the English population at a place of worship on Census Sunday. The equivalent figure today is roughly 5%. The marriage rate per 1,000 unmarried adults has fallen by roughly three-quarters since 1972. Fertility has fallen from 2.94 children per woman in 1964 to 1.41 in 2024, the lowest on record for the third year running. Formal volunteering has fallen sharply, with the steepest decline among under-35s.
Each of these is a proxy for a different element of the substrate. They are declining together because they are aspects of the same underlying thing.

The settlement has produced real gains in its own dimensions, while consuming substrate as a side effect. The pattern repeats across every domain.

Take women's economic participation. The settlement measured women's flourishing through economic and educational metrics: labour force participation, professional credentials, equal pay, professional advancement. On those measures, the gains are real and historically remarkable.
What the settlement did not measure, and therefore did not optimise for, was the substrate side of women's lives. British women's stated desired family size has held steady at around 2.2 children since the late 1970s. Their actual fertility has fallen to 1.41. The gap is roughly 0.8 children per woman, and it is widening. Around 50% of women in the UK are childless at 30. The Centre for Social Justice estimates 600,000 women in the current generation will miss out on the motherhood they wanted. The settlement produced the equality it measured. It also produced a fertility gap of historic scale, because it did not measure the conditions that allow people to have the families they say they want: affordable family-sized housing, geographic proximity to grandparents, flexible employment, durable and committed partnership, community support for raising children. Both outcomes were predictable from what the settlement chose to value.

Native employment is more visible still. Total employment in the UK has risen by hundreds of thousands in recent years. The headline reads as a successful labour market. But the share of jobs held by non-UK nationals has risen from 12% in 2014 to 20% by the end of 2025, around 6.5 million jobs. The UK-born employment rate has been roughly flat at 74-75% across that decade. Between 2023 and 2024, UK-born and EU-born employment both fell while non-EU employment rose by about 400,000. The headline employment growth is real. The employment of UK-born workers has stalled.

Crime is more complicated. The system is measurably better at policing what people say. UK police now make over 12,000 arrests a year, around 30 a day, under the Communications Act and Malicious Communications Act, up roughly 58% in four years. New offences under the Online Safety Act 2023 added to the scope. The headline reads as a state actively protecting people from harmful speech. But the prevalence of sexual assault has roughly doubled in a decade, from 1.5% of 16-59 year olds in 2014 to 2.6% in 2024. Charge rates for victim-based crime fell from 11% to 6% over a decade. The prison population has risen by 94% since 1990 to over 87,000 and routinely runs at 99% capacity. The state has resorted to early release of thousands of prisoners to prevent the system from collapsing. Foreign nationals make up 12% of the prison population and minority ethnic groups 27%, against 18% of the general population. England and Wales now have the highest per capita prison population in Western Europe. The state has chosen to police speech better while the substrate of public safety thins beneath it.

Children's wellbeing follows the pattern. Infant mortality has fallen to record lows. NHS care for children at birth is among the best the country has ever offered. But the share of children aged 8-16 with a probable mental disorder rose from 12% in 2017 to 20% in 2023. Among 17-19 year olds, rates roughly doubled, from 10% to 23%. Eating disorders in young women aged 17-19 rose from 1.6% in 2017 to 20.8% in 2023. The medical system saves more babies than ever and cannot keep up with the mental health collapse in the children it saved.

Productivity and wages show it sharpest. UK economic growth halved after 2008. Productivity, measured by output per hour worked, grew at 1.9% per year from 1993 to 2008, then at 0.4% per year from 2008 onward. Real wages and real household disposable income per head have been roughly flat for seventeen years. Headline GDP keeps growing, helped by rising population, but the average person's hour of work and the average household's income have stalled since around 2008. The country is bigger and busier. The average person is no better off.

Five domains. Five real gains on the metrics the settlement chose to measure. Five hollowings on the metrics it didn't. The pattern is what the framework predicts. A worldview optimises for what it values and consumes what it ignores. The cluster of visible failures is the substrate going.

The settlement cannot rebuild what it is consuming. Its operating logic is to replace inherited custom with designed procedure, to substitute formal rights for informal community, to optimise across populations rather than transmit within them. It is structurally unable to produce family, faith, voluntary association, settled neighbourhood, slow custom. It can only consume what was already there. Until that changes, the trajectory does not bend. The substrate goes, and what the settlement provides cannot replace it. What follows is what previous cycles followed: gradual loss of consent, or coercive continuation, or the slow generational work of rebuilding something else.

Notice this week which substrate elements are visibly thinning in your own life. The friend who wanted children and is running out of time. The young people who cannot find work in the place they were born. The town centre you avoid after dark. The grandchild who has been on the CAMHS waiting list for two years. The salary that buys less than it did when you started.

[The Little Platoon @PlatoonPod]

I would really like a journalist to calmly and politely ask all these politicians why George Floyd merited the wholesale transformation of British society, while Henry Nowak doesn't.

Why does one justify riots, taking the knee, the toppling of statues, and the embedding of race quotas across every public institution, while the other does not?

Do they not view this as politicising Floyd's death? Do they not think it was at all divisive? Do they not think it odd that a man dying in America is more politically important than a boy dying in Britain?

You don't need to rant and rave at these politicians. It is not "MAGA" to notice the difference. You just need to ask them to try and explain their position.

[Bravo @OpenSourceMind1]

@elonmusk Whites posting memes against browns killing people.

[Six Seed Studio - Thomas Calvin 🇬🇧 @SixSeedStudio]

@elonmusk Thank you for keeping the train going.

It's starting to die down and we can't let it.