🚨In Tirupati There are More than 100 Churches !
🚨When Non Christian are Not allowed to Settle in Vatican !
🚨 When Non Mu$lims are Not allowed to Settle in Mecca !
🚨 Then why Non Hindus are allowed to Settle in the Holy Cities of Hindu ? ??
🚨Wake Up Call for Hindus !!! 👇
Malayalam cinema is all about:
- Muslim directors portraying Christianity and Hinduism negatively,
- Christian directors portraying Islam and Hinduism negatively, and
- Hindu directors portraying Hinduism negatively.
Kudos to Harsh dubey for saying this loudly 🚨
He said : "When we went to meet the organisers of the CJP protest with our issue and requested that we be allowed to meet Abhijeet Dipke and Saurav Das, they chased us away.
They were busy talking to Mehbooba Mufti and Dimple Yadav. Were Mehbooba Mufti and Dimple Yadav NEET students? Was it their issue or ours?
Blud exposed CJP and dipke who were running their own political agendas.🙏
ஒரு அருமையான சிறுகதை படித்த உணர்வு..அந்தகாலத்துக்கே கொண்டு சென்றீர்கள் ...படிக்கவே ஆனந்தமா இருந்துது.. பாட்டிகள் நம் Generation செய்த தவம்.. அந்த காலத்து wikipedia .. ♥️♥️♥️loads of love to Kamali paatti and Bala..😍😍
Dear Media Channels,
If you are discussing Reservation or Reservation Hatao Andolan (RHA), please focus on our clear reform demands.
Also invite people directly representing the movement who can explain the facts behind these demands.
We are just a message away. Thanks!
Thanks @nethrapal ji for your response. In the interest of a helpful debate, here is my point by point rebuttal. Please excuse rough unstructured language as I’m writing while travelling:
(1) Fixed general seats vs adding extra seats.
You claim OBC reservation was done only by adding extra seats, so general seats never reduced. This is not wholly true and does not work presently at all. When 27% OBC quota started in central colleges after 2006, colleges were told to add more seats. Most colleges did not add enough seats. So the number of open (general) seats stayed almost the same or grew very slowly, while total seats increased. Once the percentage is fixed, every time total seats increase, reserved seats also increase automatically. Open seats stay only a fixed share, not a fixed number. The reform idea is not “never add seats.” It is to protect the open seats as a fixed minimum number that cannot be reduced. This is the only way to stop open seats from slowly shrinking forever. Talking about the old OBC expansion, that never was earnestly implemented, does not solve today’s problem.
(2) Creamy layer for SC/ST is “impossible”
You say courts and Bihar data prove creamy layer cannot apply to SC/ST. Well, the main idea is simple: Once a family has got good education, good income, good connections and good social position through reservation, their children should not keep getting the same benefit. Otherwise the still-poor people in the same caste get pushed aside. Bihar data does not change this idea. Creamy layer is not only about money. An IAS or IPS officer’s children get coaching, good schools, networks and advantages that a poor farmer’s children in the same caste do not get. Refusing to exclude them means the real poor keep losing the seats.
(3) “Even after creamy layer the ratio stays 50-50; elite capture is everywhere; officers’ kids study abroad”
You accept there is a problem but say it exists everywhere, so we should ignore it! Data clearly shows elite capture inside reserved groups. Rohini Commission found that 10 OBC castes took around 25% of all OBC seats. Many other OBC castes got almost nothing. The same thing happens inside SC and ST lists. The claim that most officers’ children study abroad and do not compete is not proved. Even if some go abroad, those who stay in India still have a big advantage. Lack of public data is not proof that the problem does not exist. It is a reason to collect the data and then apply the rule.
(4) “Only some sections take benefits but Yadavs and Cha**rs are still low in Group A jobs, so no change is needed”
Your argument says only top jobs matter and lower jobs do not count. That is incomplete. The same strong sub-castes already take most of the college seats and lower government jobs. These are the pipelines that lead to Group A jobs. Rohini Commission itself proved the problem is real for OBCs. The same logic applies to SC and ST lists. Parliament can add or remove communities from SC/ST lists under Articles 341 and 342. Just because no one has proposed removal yet does not mean the power does not exist. Courts have repeatedly said governments should use data to divide groups and exclude the advanced sections. Refusing to collect or use this data is a political choice, not a constitutional requirement.
(5) “Ambedkar’s 10-year limit was only for political seats; education and jobs are permanent; 2/3 majority is impossible”
The text of Article 334 is correct, the 10-year limit applied to seats in Parliament and Assemblies. Perhaps you missed that I myself mentioned this. Fact is Dr Ambedkar said reservation should be temporary, not permanent. Just because Articles 15(4) and 16(4) have no time limit does not mean reservation becomes a permanent group right forever. The argument that SC + ST + OBC numbers make it impossible to get 2/3 majority is an admission that the system now continues because of numbers, not because of remaining need. That is exactly why a better reform plan uses time limits, data checks and one-generation rules instead of waiting for a majority that will never come.
(6) “Fraud is higher in EWS and disability quotas; upper castes take fake certificates”
Fraud happens in every category and must be stopped. This does not mean we should ignore elite capture inside SC/ST/OBC categories. Pointing to EWS fraud is a way to change the topic and leave the real problem untouched. The solution is strict checking for everyone, not looking away from some groups.
(7) “One-generation or one-family limit is an American idea and should apply to all or to none”
The simple idea is this: After a family has used reservation to get education, a government job and social position, their children start from a better place. Giving them the same reservation again is no longer help for the disadvantaged. It becomes inherited advantage with a different name. Applying the generation rule only inside reserved categories makes sense because reservation itself is a special group benefit meant to be temporary. Asking for the same hard rule for every judge’s or MLA’s child is a different and much bigger debate about political dynasties. It does not mean we must drop the limited rule inside reservation.
(8) “One-time reservation is just a fancy idea; the goal is to fill top positions; lower cut-offs prove we still need the system”
The goal of creating a large pool of graduates and officers from these groups has already been largely achieved in absolute numbers. Keeping the same percentage forever after that turns a temporary ladder into a permanent parallel system. Lower EWS cut-offs in some exams happen because that category is poorly designed and often has few applicants. It does not prove that reserved-category candidates as a whole are still as disadvantaged as in 1950. Toppers from reserved categories are good and expected. But the entry marks are still systematically lower. This has real effects on quality in medicine, engineering and administration.
(9) “There is merit among SC/ST/OBC; mark differences are small”
No serious reform plan says there is zero merit in reserved categories. The real point is that average preparation levels and the cut-off marks are different. In important professional courses, those differences affect patient safety, engineering quality and government work. Praising individual toppers while ignoring the lower entry bar is not a defence of merit. It is a refusal to look at the full picture.
(10) Creamy layer has already reduced OBC share in Group A; empty seats should go to the poor
If creamy layer exclusion has reduced OBC numbers in Group A, that shows the rule is working as planned, benefits are moving toward the less advanced people. The right response is better implementation and sub-division of groups as Rohini Commission suggested, not dropping the rule. Empty reserved seats should be handled openly. The better way is to open them for general competition instead of creating more small sub-quotas that make the system even more complicated.
(11) Private sector, elite schools and DEI
It is true that SC/ST/OBC students are very few in top private schools and private universities. The solution is not forced caste quotas in private companies but targeted scholarships, early help for children, and strict non-creamy deployment of the existing seats. Copying American DEI language does not solve India’s real problems of elite capture inside groups and never-ending preference.
Thank you. WDTP
Modi had a golden opportunity to make India a golden bird again, to eliminate corruption, because he was a new leader, had the support of the people, and the opposition had become very weak.
But what did Modi do instead? He worked in the beginning, but after that he doubled down on hisab chukta, reservation, and freebies.
Every babu and neta is at least 10 times more corrupt now than they were in 2014. India's demographic dividend is being wasted, and it will be gone in the next 20–30 years. To reap its benefits, the government should have invested in education, but Modi ruined that as well.
He came to power on the mandate of Hindus. He could have enacted many laws; at the very least, he could have freed Hindu temples from government control. But he did nothing. Twenty years from now, he will be remembered as one of the worst Prime Ministers in history of India.
🚨 Harsh Dubey announces a Reservation Reform protest at Jantar Mantar:
Harsh Dubey has been granted permission by the Delhi Police to hold a protest for the Reservation Reform movement at Jantar Mantar from 21st August.
He is currently not associated with the Reservation Hatao Andolan. Now, let's see whether Ajeet Bharti and other creators join him or not.
If this movement gains momentum, it could create even more drama than the CJP protest.
Reservations: Where We Came From, Where We Stand, What Must Change
My detailed analysis, featuring a five-point formula as an overarching solution acceptable to every rational Indian:
My EPF transfer claims ( Claim ids : 10148929984805551 & 10148929984805552 ) pending more than 25 days, iam unemployed more than 3 months😔 due to this iam unable to apply new claim, it's medical emergency🙏 @officialepfo@LabourMinistry@mansukhmandviya#epfo@narendramodi
1952 में 600-700 जातियाँ दलित थी, बाबा साहेब के संविधान ने 600 और जोड़ दिया, यानी 5000 वर्ष के मनुवादी, ब्राह्मणवादी व्यवस्था ने 600 अछूत जातियाँ दी, 70 साल के बाबा साहेब संविधान ने 600 और जोड़ा। तार्किक रूप से सुधीजन ये बताएँ कि आरक्षण से जातियों का उत्थान हो रहा है या पतन?
SC के 135-145 IAS ऑफ़िसर्स हैं, 50-62000 क्लास 1 ऑफ़िसर्स, डेढ़ से पौने दो लाख क्लास 2 ऑफ़िसर्स हैं इस देश में। अंबेडकर को उनके शिक्षक ने और तत्कालीन महाराज सयाजीराव गायकवाड ने उन्हें विदेश भेजा, फिर छत्रपति शाहूजी महाराज ने उनकी लंदन की पढ़ाई पूर्ण करवाई।
अब प्रश्न यह है कि ऊपर के IAS, क्लास 1 और 2 के लगभग 2 लाख अफ़सरों में से कितनों ने अपनी ही जाति समूह के बच्चों को स्पॉन्सर किया है?
मीना समाज 1000% अधिक ओवर रिप्रिजेंटेड है, जाटव का भी प्रतिनिधित्व SC वर्ग में अधिक है, यादव, कुर्मी, जाट, गुर्जर को OBC में देख लीजिए! तो प्रश्न यह है कि असली आदिवासी, भील कहाँ हैं ST में?
मुसहर, माँझी, वाल्मीकि, सुदर्शन, बहेलिया, बंतार, डोम, हलालखोर, तुरी, पासी, भंगी और मदारगी के बच्चे स्कूल भी पहुँच पा रहे हैं? OBC की लगभग 1,000 जातियों की सरकारी नौकरियों में हिस्सेदारी शून्य या नगण्य है, जैसे कश्यप, केवट, मल्लाह, निषाद, बिंद, राजभर, पाल, बघेल, बढ़ई, कुम्हार, लोहार, तेली, चौरसिया, नाई (सैलानी) और नोनिया!
फिर कहा जाता है कि आर्थिक आधार पर रिजर्वेशन नहीं होना चाहिए, क्योंकि जो दो-चार जातियाँ सारा आरक्षण खा रही हैं, उनकी आर्थिक स्थिति भी ठीक है, पर उन्होंने स्वयं को इन जाति समूहों में राजनैतिक रूप से ब्लैकमेलिंग करके घुसा रखा है, इसलिए वो कभी भी अपनी ही जाति समूहों में आरक्षण नीचे तक नहीं जाने देंगे।
इसीलिए, Reservation पर ReThink, Rationalise, Reform और अंततः Remove करने के लिए हमें चर्चा करनी चाहिए।