Starlink de @elonmusk está ayudando a salvar vidas en Venezuela 🇻🇪 una chica atrapada con más personas en un edificio caído, logró contentarse a Internet, en un lugar donde habían colocado 3 antenas y logró emitir un en vivo, para pedir ayuda y dar su ubicación. ¡Gracias Elon!.
Last night’s speech by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent signals the decisive shift in US economic doctrine: from efficiency to sovereignty.
Invoking Alexander Hamilton, Bessent framed industrial capacity not as a legacy asset, but as the foundation of national power in a contested world. The comparison is not casual. If carried through, it would make Bessent the most consequential Treasury secretary since Hamilton himself.
The message is clear. Globalisation optimised for cost has left the US exposed, to supply disruptions, geopolitical coercion and technological leakage. Dependence is no longer a benign feature of trade; it is a strategic vulnerability.
This is not autarky, but reprioritisation. Semiconductors, energy systems, advanced manufacturing and compute infrastructure are being recast as sovereign capabilities. Supply chains are judged less by efficiency than by their ability to withstand shocks and resist pressure from adversaries.
The economics are less comfortable. Resilience implies higher costs, sustained fiscal support and the risk of stickier inflation. But Washington appears willing to pay.
For markets, the shift is structural. Capital will follow policy into strategic sectors, while exposure to adversarial supply chains will command a growing discount. Hamilton’s logic has returned. This time, markets may have less choice but to follow.
Trump killed 50 of Iran's top leaders, did at least $1 trillion worth of damage to their military equipment and infrastructure, totally wiped out their naval fleet and air fleets, put their government in a state of endemic internal conflict, and left them totally incapable of meaningfully attacking their neighbors in the region any time soon. By the end of it, all Iran could do is rig the strait with mines and take pop shots at passing ships.
The loss of insurance coverage had more of an impact on the flow of marine traffic than Iran did.
I personally would have preferred the total destruction of the IRGC (which technically isn't off the table if they decide to FAFO) but it would have been difficult to accomplish without more civilian casualties -- something third worldist leftoids were already complaining (and campaigning) about.
In the meantime, consider the following:
No boots on the ground. No prolonged conflict. No permanent occupation. No military draft. No lasting impact on energy prices. No multi-trillion dollar boondoggle. None of the things anti-war retards with Israel tunnel vision like Dave Smith and Candace Owens predicted would happen.
In addition:
- Oil and gas prices are falling in time for summer and the midterms.
- "Free Palestine" third worldists like Graham Platner have less ammo on which to campaign for Congress.
- Russia is bringing in less revenue.
- The U.S. got a foot in the door to block China's Belt and Road projects.
- Trump has greater latitude to tighten sanctions on Russia without exacerbating supply shocks to energy markets.
- Europe and America have agreed to increase cooperation in providing for the national defense of Ukraine.
- Israel isn't a signatory to the MOU and isn't bound by its terms, leaving it free to independently defend itself from threats if necessary.
- America isn't creating a power vacuum for China and Russia to fill by absconding and surrendering its own influence over the region.
The people who say this is a "humiliating defeat" for Trump?
- Russia
- China
- Iran
- Democrats
- The leftist Drudge-led media establishment
All the worst people you know have joined arms and are pretending like Iran pulled one over on the Bad Orange Man in hopes that it will piss off Republicans and Israelis enough to get them to kill the deal themselves.
It's very transparent. Don't let your enemies control you with such a stupid and obvious Reflexive Control op.
Patience is required now...
You have to allow time for this market to digest and re-set itself. Need discipline and maturity to wait out these periods. Often times, I feel like this is where so many traders lose patience and let frustration get the better of them.
Hormuz, Houston, and the Quiet American Victory Many Refuse to Accept
The same crowd that told you Donald Trump could never win a primary, let alone a presidency, is back at it again. They insist the Iran war is “lost,” that there will be no deal, that America has somehow stumbled into strategic defeat. They are making the same mistake twice.
In reality, the United States has already forced a reckoning the foreign‑policy establishment spent decades avoiding. In this new era, the world finally sees Iran for what it is: a radical regime willing to hold a global artery hostage. And the world is drawing the obvious conclusion, that the twenty‑first‑century economy cannot depend on an oil lifeline controlled at gunpoint. Has no one noticed the tankers quietly diverting toward a different hemisphere, toward what is fast becoming the Gulf of America?
As the complaints grow louder that “we need a deal now,” it is worth asking who is doing the complaining. The impatience comes largely from the same voices that never foresaw a U.S. victory over Iran’s gambit in Hormuz, and cannot yet imagine the peace dividend that will follow. They missed the strategic re‑rating of Iran from difficult regional power to systemic energy risk. They missed the quiet migration of tankers toward the Gulf of America. Now they mistake a necessary interval of pressure and bargaining for failure, precisely because they cannot recognize that the fundamentals have already shifted in America’s favor.
To wit, any deal he strikes will be judged by the wrong standard if you judge it by the same people who thought the JCPOA was statesmanship. Their benchmark is the agreement that shipped Tehran pallets of cash and sanctions relief while allowing it to keep enriched uranium, ballistic missiles, and regional proxies intact—a deal that subsidized the very regime now firing drones into the Gulf and threatening tankers. That standard is not just misplaced; it is discredited.
Measured against that history, what President Trump is chasing is not utopia but correction. It will not turn the Islamic Republic into a Scandinavian social democracy. It will not abolish forever the temptations of coercion in Hormuz. But it can lock in hard, strategic gains.
The same critics who cry failure over Hormuz have nothing to say about the victory in Venezuela, where U.S. pressure and engagement helped unlock reserves and discipline a rogue petro‑state. They glide past the several wars Trump has stopped or frozen, because those don’t fit the script in which every Trump move is a prelude to Armageddon. They are equally silent about the quiet alignment with Beijing. China, hardly a natural Trump ally, has made it plain: Iran cannot have a bomb and cannot own the Strait. That matters. When the world’s largest energy importer and the world’s leading navy converge on the same two red lines, Tehran’s room for maneuver shrinks, and America’s long‑term position strengthens, whether the commentariat wants to admit it or not.