Trump didn’t just lose the war with Iran, he may now be losing the peace deal too.
That’s the part of this interview with geopolitical analyst Robert Pape that people need to understand.
Because on the surface the MOU looks like Trump finding an off-ramp, calming the markets, stopping the war, and buying himself some political breathing room.
But Pape argues the opposite is happening.
He says Iran is now in the driver’s seat, and this deal doesn’t weaken Tehran, it gives them time, money, leverage, and a loaded gun pointed at the global economy.
His argument is brutal: Iran survived the bombing, proved it can close the Strait of Hormuz, saw Gulf states feeling abandoned by Washington, and is now using the negotiations not to make peace, but to accumulate power.
According to Pape, the real story is the 60-day window.
Because during those 60 days, global oil reserves that are already depleted keep draining, and Iran’s leverage gets stronger every single week.
Then, if Israel doesn’t leave Lebanon, if the money doesn’t arrive, if Trump doesn’t make concessions, Iran can come back and squeeze again from an even stronger position.
That’s the nightmare scenario.
Pape says Israel understands this, which is why the deal is such a catastrophe for them.
Before the war, Israel was the rising power. After the war, he argues, the tables have flipped, and Iran is now moving toward regional dominance.
That’s why this interview matters.
Because if Pape is right, Trump didn’t end the Iran crisis; he bought 60 days before the next squeeze, which could be far worse.
@ProfessorPape
In 1955, Charlie Munger was 31 years old, divorced, broke, and burying his 9-year-old son.
His son Teddy had died of leukemia. There was no health insurance for childhood cancer in those days.
Munger spent the next 70 years rebuilding.
The collapse had started 2 years earlier. Munger was a junior lawyer in Pasadena making $3,300 a year, about $35,000 in today's money. His marriage of 8 years ended in 1953. His ex-wife kept the house. He moved into a dreary room at a club for single men in town and drove a beat-up yellow Pontiac with paint peeling off the doors. He was paying child support on 3 small children with almost nothing left over.
A year later, Teddy was diagnosed with leukemia. The disease was a death sentence in 1954. There was no treatment. The fatality rate, as Munger would say later, was 100%.
He spent the next year paying medical bills out of pocket and watching his son die. Munger's friend Rick Guerin recalled what it looked like. Munger would go to the hospital, hold Teddy in his arms, then walk the streets of Pasadena alone, crying.
Teddy died in 1955.
Munger was 31. He had 2 surviving children, no money, no wife, and a job he didn't particularly like. He could have collapsed. Almost anyone would have.
He didn't.
He kept working at the law firm. He started a real estate side business with friends. He read constantly, in every subject he could find. By the late 1950s, the real estate work was making him real money. In 1959 he met a young investor in Omaha named Warren Buffett at a dinner party, and they recognized each other immediately. By 1962 he had co-founded a law firm called Munger, Tolles & Olson and started an investment partnership called Wheeler, Munger & Co. that ran for the next 13 years and compounded at over 24% a year.
He married Nancy Barry Borthwick in 1956, a year after Teddy died. They were together until her death in 2010, raised 6 children between them, and stayed married for 54 years.
By his death in November 2023, at age 99, Munger was worth over $2 billion, had sat on Berkshire Hathaway's board for 45 years, and was considered one of the most original thinkers in modern investing. He had been called the wise old man of American business so long that most people who quoted him had no memory of him being anything else.
This story usually gets told as proof that Munger was unusually tough. He wasn't. He cried for years over Teddy's death. He talked about it for the rest of his life as the thing that almost broke him.
What he had was a different gift. He noticed, while the tragedy was happening, that grief and self-pity could compound just like wealth could. He decided, on purpose, that he wasn't going to let them.
He said it himself later.
"You should never, when facing some unbelievable tragedy, let one tragedy increase to two or three through your own failure of will."
Suddenly the boys that wanted to die on Mutfwang’s matter are now pro kefiano..
Fighting for him..and Una own na genuine love and others talking about present governor na gig ?🤣🤣
Many Nigerians believe decades of elite political competition, personal ambition, and power struggles have contributed to economic hardship, insecurity, and growing frustration across the country.
Now, let’s talk about how the political ambitions of leaders like Atiku Abubakar have shaped the direction of Nigerian politics.
The emergence of Atiku Abubakar as the ADC presidential candidate ahead of Rotimi Amaechi has reopened an old conversation in Nigerian politics: Is the political class truly interested in fairness, balance, and coalition building, or are personal ambitions still the strongest force driving political decisions?
The outcome of the ADC primary raises serious questions. After years of conversations around inclusion and the need for political stability through balancing power between North and South, many expected that a southern candidate would receive stronger consideration.
Seeing Amaechi, a southern politician, lose out naturally creates debate about whether these principles are applied consistently or only when politically convenient.
This is where Peter Obi’s earlier departure becomes relevant.
Many Obi supporters may interpret recent events as confirmation that leaving early was the correct political decision. Remaining within uncertain coalition arrangements could have forced compromises that weakened his independent political identity.
Amaechi supporters, meanwhile, may see this outcome as a missed opportunity for southern representation.
What cannot be ignored, however, is perception.
In politics, perception sometimes becomes as important as reality itself.
If large numbers of voters begin to believe that coalition politics simply ends with established politicians reclaiming control, public enthusiasm around such movements may weaken. Nigerians, especially younger voters, increasingly want political movements that feel different from traditional arrangements.
This situation raises broader questions beyond individuals:
Can voters continue believing promises of change when familiar political patterns keep repeating?
These question will likely continue long after the primary itself.
Regardless of where anyone stands politically, one thing is clear: the ADC primary was not simply about selecting a candidate.
It became another chapter in Nigeria’s larger debate about ambition, power sharing, coalition politics, and the future direction of leadership.
And perhaps that is why reactions remain strong.
Because for many Nigerians, this was never only about who won.
It was about what the outcome represents.
MMC
Many Nigerians believe decades of elite political competition, personal ambition, and power struggles have contributed to economic hardship, insecurity, and growing frustration across the country.
Now, let’s talk about how the political ambitions of leaders like Atiku Abubakar have shaped the direction of Nigerian politics.
The emergence of Atiku Abubakar as the ADC presidential candidate ahead of Rotimi Amaechi has reopened an old conversation in Nigerian politics: Is the political class truly interested in fairness, balance, and coalition building, or are personal ambitions still the strongest force driving political decisions?
The outcome of the ADC primary raises serious questions. After years of conversations around inclusion and the need for political stability through balancing power between North and South, many expected that a southern candidate would receive stronger consideration.
Seeing Amaechi, a southern politician, lose out naturally creates debate about whether these principles are applied consistently or only when politically convenient.
This is where Peter Obi’s earlier departure becomes relevant.
Many Obi supporters may interpret recent events as confirmation that leaving early was the correct political decision. Remaining within uncertain coalition arrangements could have forced compromises that weakened his independent political identity.
Amaechi supporters, meanwhile, may see this outcome as a missed opportunity for southern representation.
What cannot be ignored, however, is perception.
In politics, perception sometimes becomes as important as reality itself.
If large numbers of voters begin to believe that coalition politics simply ends with established politicians reclaiming control, public enthusiasm around such movements may weaken. Nigerians, especially younger voters, increasingly want political movements that feel different from traditional arrangements.
This situation raises broader questions beyond individuals:
Can voters continue believing promises of change when familiar political patterns keep repeating?
These question will likely continue long after the primary itself.
Regardless of where anyone stands politically, one thing is clear: the ADC primary was not simply about selecting a candidate.
It became another chapter in Nigeria’s larger debate about ambition, power sharing, coalition politics, and the future direction of leadership.
And perhaps that is why reactions remain strong.
Because for many Nigerians, this was never only about who won.
It was about what the outcome represents.
MMC
Every man needs to watch “A Bronx Tale” before becoming a man.
That movie teaches things people rarely talk about.
Too many lessons about masculinity, street wisdom, loyalty, ambition, relationships, and making the right choices in life.
It was a movie before Hollywood was corrupted.