This situation is quite concerning.
Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff to the President, claims that the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) does not exist within the structure of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.
However, this very council is listed in the budget of the Presidency, not in some distant ministry or agency; it's allocated within the budget of the Presidency itself.
This raises two possibilities: either the Presidency is unaware of its own budget, which is meant for its own operations, or the Secretary to the Federal Government is being dishonest.
What surprises me is that the Secretary is making a definitive statement on an issue that can be easily verified. I've attached a screenshot from the Federal Budget Office, which shows what the National Assembly voted on and what the President approved.
The amount in question is N1.3 billion.
We will be closely observing how the President responds to this situation.
@joecarlsonshow@garyseconomics Billionaires think they are already being charitable by not gobbling up everything at once and scary thing is they actually can, eventually and inevitably. What they say about wgs is true, but claim that wealth tax won't help even a bit is a well dressed lie
@joecarlsonshow Living standards will keep dropping eventually & inevitably, wasteful government spending(wgs)or not too. It's a mathematical problem @garyseconomics best explains the concept on his YouTube channel
Dear @WorldBankGroup
STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!
STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!
STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!
STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!
STOP GIVING NIGERIA FRESH LOANS!
You already approved a whopping total of $9.35 billion in loans & credits between June 2023 & May 2026 for the BAT administration
Enough is enough! Add your voice & repost this until The World Bank does the needful. 💔💔
THE COMPROMISED PRESIDENT
Bola Tinubu Has Become the Greatest Security Threat to Nigeria — and He Knows It
Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden | President, Worldview International
There is a particular species of danger that is harder to see than a bomb, more corrosive than a drought, and more lethal than a coup. It is the danger of a leader so personally compromised — by history, by debt, by desperation — that the machinery of state bends entirely to his survival. Nigeria today is living inside that danger. Its name is Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
The question is no longer merely political. It has become constitutional, existential, and moral. Is Bola Tinubu so entangled in undisclosed relationships with Western intelligence, so buried in personal legal vulnerability, so dependent on foreign creditors for economic oxygen, that he has become — functionally, practically, dangerously — a security threat to the 220 million people he was elected to serve?
The evidence is not speculative. It is documented, global, and growing.
The Intelligence File They Will Not Open
The FBI, CIA, and DEA have invoked Glomar responses — legal provisions allowing agencies to neither confirm nor deny the existence of records — in response to multiple Freedom of Information Act requests concerning Tinubu’s alleged ties to drug trafficking. In court filings, the agencies argued that confirming or denying the existence of such records could “compromise privacy interests and national security.” Intelligence officials have also referenced Tinubu’s possible status as a CIA asset. 
Read that again. American intelligence agencies — three of them — have told a federal court that revealing what they know about the sitting President of Africa’s most populous nation would compromise United States national security. Not Nigerian national security. American national security. A sitting head of state protected by the secrecy architecture of Langley and Quantico.
Court documents from a Chicago case have tied Tinubu, in the early 1990s, to a heroin trafficking investigation. He was reported to have held multiple bank accounts into which suspicious funds were deposited. Though never formally charged, the U.S. government confiscated approximately $460,000 from one of his accounts as part of a civil forfeiture agreement. 
This is not allegation. This is documented federal forfeiture. And it is the foundation upon which a presidency has been built, a presidency now commanding the continent’s largest army, its most strategic oil reserves, and its most consequential diplomatic relationships. The Western powers know what they know. That knowledge is leverage. And leverage, in geopolitics, is always eventually used.
The Economic Surrender
A man who cannot afford to be scrutinized cannot afford to say no. And Tinubu, facing the arithmetic of a collapsing revenue base and an insatiable appetite for borrowing, cannot say no to anyone holding his financial lifeline.
Nigeria’s total public debt has risen to around ₦159 trillion in 2026 under the Tinubu administration, intensifying fears that future generations may be left to shoulder the burden. Opposition voices and economists have repeatedly warned that the federal government is spending a dangerous portion of its revenues on debt servicing, leaving less money for healthcare, education, electricity, and jobs. 
According to analysis by the Nigerian Economic Summit Group, debt servicing consumed over 100 per cent of federally retained revenue — meaning that for every ₦100 the federal government earned, at least ₦100 went into paying interest and repaying loans. Every naira spent on infrastructure, healthcare, education, or security had to come from borrowing. 
This is not an economy being managed. This is a nation being mortgaged. And in the great game of international finance, mortgaged nations do not make independent foreign policy. They execute the foreign policy of their creditors.
The Nigerian government has sought to increase external borrowing by approximately $26 billion in 2025–2026 to cover budget shortfalls and stimulate economic growth. Analysts at Cowry Asset Management have warned that around 60 per cent of anticipated spending will be covered through new borrowings, marking a concerning shift from earlier promises to reduce dependence on debt by focusing on foreign direct investment and equity financing. 
The World Bank praises Nigeria as a global model for steady and credible reform leadership — while simultaneously reporting that 63 per cent of Nigerians live in poverty. This exposes a familiar tension: institutions that fund and evaluate reforms often emphasize macroeconomic stability and policy consistency, even as on-the-ground indicators highlight worsening poverty, weak job creation, and limited improvements in living standards. 
The World Bank’s applause is not charity. It is a signal that the structural adjustment conditions attached to Nigeria’s loans are being complied with. Fuel subsidy removal. Naira devaluation. Market liberalisation. These are not Tinubu’s ideas. They are the policy agenda of Bretton Woods institutions, implemented by a president who is in no position to resist. A stooge does not always wear chains. Sometimes he wears a presidential sash.
The Crackdown That Tells You Everything
When a leader is confident in his legitimacy, he tolerates dissent. When a leader is afraid of what scrutiny might reveal, he criminalizes it.
Since 2023, the DSS has launched real-time social media tracking systems, while police cyber units have dismantled thousands of domains and arrested hundreds under the Cybercrimes Amendment Act 2024. These funds have not demonstrably reduced insecurity; instead, they have supported repressive practices such as mass content takedowns, platform pressure, and politically motivated surveillance against opponents and arrests ahead of the 2027 elections. 
Media Rights Agenda documented 141 attacks on journalists and citizens for online speech in Tinubu’s first two years, with nearly half carried out by police and DSS under cybercrime pretexts. 
Just days ago, a Federal High Court in Abuja dismissed a no-case submission by opposition figure Omoyele Sowore, who faces charges filed by the DSS for calling Tinubu a “criminal” on social media. Sowore alleges the prosecution is designed to prevent him from contesting the 2027 election. 
A president prosecuting citizens for calling him a criminal is not defending his dignity. He is defending his secrets.
The Architecture of a One-Party State
With the state sponsoring leadership crises in the main opposition parties, the PDP — once described as the largest party in Africa — has been reduced to two governors. The APC, under Tinubu, has grown from 21 to 31 governors, holds 82 senators, and commands 242 of 360 House of Representatives seats, with all pledging allegiance to Tinubu’s political hegemony. 
The African Democratic Congress has accused the Tinubu-led government of destroying every other political party so that Tinubu will remain the sole candidate in 2027 — a tactic likened to Sani Abacha’s creation of five parties that all nominated him as their sole presidential candidate. 
A senior Nigerian official has publicly warned that ahead of 2027, Tinubu may resort to locking up opposition members — drawing a direct parallel to former Senegalese President Macky Sall, who detained opposition politicians, attempted to cancel elections, and was subsequently defeated overwhelmingly when international pressure forced him to hold the vote. 
The Verdict History Will Record
Nigeria has survived locusts before. It survived Abacha. It survived Babangida. It survived the structural adjustment catastrophe that destroyed the middle class in the 1980s — the same structural adjustment now being replayed with a different set of signatures on the loan documents.
But what Nigeria has not faced before is a president whose personal legal exposure in a foreign jurisdiction appears to make him partially owned by that jurisdiction’s intelligence services; whose ballooning debt dependency gives Western creditors effective veto power over national economic policy; and whose survival instinct has turned the apparatus of state — the DSS, the EFCC, the courts, the electoral commission — into instruments of political warfare against his own citizens.
In December 2024, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project ranked Tinubu as one of the five most corrupt leaders globally, based on more than 55,000 nominations received from around the world.  The citizens of Nigeria did not need a Swiss journalism consortium to tell them what they already know.
The man in Aso Rock is not governing Nigeria. He is managing the terms of his own survival — managing his intelligence file in Washington, managing his creditors in London and New York, managing his opposition with handcuffs and cybercrime charges, and managing the 2027 election with the tools of authoritarian consolidation.
That is not leadership. That is a hostage situation — and the hostages are 220 million Nigerians.
The world should pay attention. And Nigerians should not wait for permission to demand their country back.
Kio Amachree | Stockholm, Sweden | President, Worldview International
#KioAmachree #WorldviewInternational #TheKioSolution
He has DSS
He has INEC
He has Wike
He has Akpabio
He has the Army
He has City Boys
He has the Police
He has the NURTW
He has the Judiciary
He has 32 governors
He has CBN war chest
He has 8,343 ex-convicts
He has bandits & terrorists
He has South East Former Governors Forum.
WHY IS HE STILL AFRAID?
I’ve completed the first draft as a research project.
I know the constitutional hurdles are massive.
I’m sharing this to start a conversation with seniors: Is it time we apply administrative metrics to Executive power?
#LegalResearch#ConstitutionalLaw#Nigeria
The draft proposes a "Performance Bond."
The Executive must file specific, justiciable targets. Failure triggers specific civil liability.
This attempts to cure the "Justiciability Gap" of Chapter II by making governance a legal obligation, not just a moral one.